As this audience knows only too well, growing concerns about
health care costs and poor access have stimulated the development
of multiple health care reform proposals. Proposals from members of
the House and Senate, medical specialty societies, public interest
groups, and organizations such as The Heritage Foundation, to name
a few sources, are piling up on the public policy table at a rapid
clip. Yet when all of these proposals are distilled, three models
stand out:
"Single-payer," in which the government runs the health
care system in one way or another;
"Play-or-pay," which mandates employer financial contributions
to expand access; and
"Consumer choice," which involves the use of tax credits or
vouchers to give consumers a direct financial incentive to behave
as responsible buyers of health care -- or in other words, to put
market incentives into the health care system.
I support the version of the Consumer Choice approach which is
being actively considered in Maryland as a statewide demonstration.
I believe it can work in Maryland, and I believe it offers a model
for the nation as well, because unlike the other approaches, it
achieves four critical health care reform goals:
First, it provides universal and continuous access for all to
standard insurance benefits without regard to employment or health
status;
Second, it moderates costs by using competition to pressure
insurers and health care providers to operate efficiently, and to
put more purchasing power in the hands of consumers;
Third, it is budget neutral and uses an equitable financing
methodology; and
Fourth, it preserves what is good about our system -- a system
that fosters competition and innovation, encourages the development
of technology, and allows Americans to keep what they value so
highly, the right to choose doctors they trust, without long waits
for care.
All four goals must be achieved if we are to see true reform in
this country. The piecemeal solutions of the past simply have not
worked. In fact, they have exacerbated our problems.
I contend that neither the single-payer nor the play-or-pay
approach offers viable solutions for fundamental reform. The
single- payer model forces cost control through global budgeting by
price regulation and capping the volume of services. As in every
other country where this has been tried, the inevitable result is
rationing and waiting lines.
I also believe that this model will discourage innovation in the
development of new medicines and technologies. Furthermore,
consumer research repeatedly shows that while most Americans want
reform, they do not want a system run by the government.
The play-or-pay approach leaves one-third of the uninsured
population uncovered, including many unemployed and part-time
workers. This model also puts an enormous financial burden on
employers, without offering them any hope of reducing their health
care benefit expenses and becoming more competitive.
Finally, both approaches would require a substantial infusion of
funds into a system that already costs too much, at a time when the
country is staggering under the weight of our deficit. Neither
approach would encourage competition or put market forces to work
to moderate cost increases.
It probably goes without saying, that one of the reasons that
health care costs are consistently higher than the Consumer Price
Index is that the end users of the health care services, consumers,
and those who order health care services, health care providers,
have been shielded from the economic consequences of their choices
by insurance.
Imagine what would happen if everyone in this country, for the
price of an annual premium, had a food card that provided access to
any grocery store and covered costs, with a deductible or
co-payment, of whatever food products the store manager
recommended. The lack of marketplace incentives surely would result
in a steady escalation of food prices.
Ten Points
Simply put, we need marketplace incentives in the health
care system that put the consumer in the driver's seat. The
Consumer Choice Health Plan being debated in Maryland does that. In
this model:
1) All Marylanders, including those currently served by
Medicaid, and excluding only those already covered by Medicare,
would purchase a comprehensive standard insurance program from a
qualified carrier. Purchase of supplemental insurance would be
optional.
2) Consumers would purchase the standard insurance from their
employers or shop on the open market. Those who are unemployed
could obtain insurance from designated public agencies or
brokers.
3) The standard insurance would be similar to comprehensive
programs available on the market today and would include preventive
as well as acute care benefits.
4) Issuance of the standard insurance would be guaranteed and
renewable without regard to health status or claims experience. In
other words, no more exclusions on pre-existing conditions, and no
more loss of insurance when you change jobs.
5) All Marylanders, not just those at lower income levels, would
receive a refundable tax credit or voucher to use toward the
purchase of the standard insurance.
6) The tax credit would be progressive and the amount would be
geared to pay 100 percent of the estimated cost of the standard
plan for those below the poverty level, and scaled down to where it
would provide 50 percent of the cost of the standard plan for
families with incomes over $100,000 (See Table 1).
7) The tax deduction for health care benefits received by
individuals would be eliminated. Today, high income individuals
benefit from a hidden tax subsidy because they do not pay taxes on
the value of health care benefits paid by their employers. The
value of this subsidy is $65 billion nationally and $1 billion in
Maryland.
It is important to note that in the Maryland Plan, the value of
the progressive tax credit is calculated to offset taxes in a way
that families earning less than $50,000 will break even or gain
financially from this proposal, assuming the employer does not
contribute anything to the Plan. If the employer holds the employee
harmless, which I believe most will do, even those earning $100,000
or more will break even (See Tables 2 and 3).
8) Consumer protection would be built in. In order to do
business in the state, carriers would have to be qualified. To be
qualified they would have to offer the standard insurance, meet
certain financial criteria including caps on administrative
expenses, and be proficient in managing the cost and quality of
care.
9) The workplace would remain the focus for purchasing health
care benefits for most consumers. All employers would offer a
standard and a supplemental insurance program to their employees,
but financial contribution to the plan would be optional, just as
it is today.
10) Employers would all pay a 4 percent payroll tax as their
only mandatory contribution to health care benefits. This is
significantly less than the 8 percent to 10 percent of payroll they
are paying today. For those employers who are not contributing
today, it would provide an affordable way for them to
participate.
Let's look at how this would work in an employment setting.
First, an employer would arrange through a qualified carrier or
broker to offer a standard and supplemental plan at group rates to
its employees, and decide the level of its financial contribution.
We estimate that employer savings will be between $500 and $1,000
per employee, depending on the level of health care benefits
currently provided (See Table 4).
An employer who wanted to maintain the same benefits program
that was in place before consumer choice would already be
financially ahead of the game, because the cost to the employer to
fund the identical program will be reduced by the amount of
employee tax credits now available to defray the cost.
Employer savings could be passed on to employees as increased
wages, invested, or retained as earnings or profit.
Employees, knowing the value of their tax credit and how much
the employer would pay (in other words, how much they have to
spend), would decide whether to purchase the standard benefit from
the employer or search for a better deal on the open market, as
well as whether to purchase any supplemental benefits.
Value-Conscious Consumers
Comparison shopping would be greatly simplified because
the standard insurance benefit would be just that -- standard. When
consumers know how much money they have to spend and can truly
comparison shop, they will be far more value-conscious. Insurers
will be forced to offer insurance products at or below the target
price associated with the full value of the tax credit to stay in
business. (Just as an aside, I can tell you from our experience at
Blue Cross and Blue Shield with consumers who purchase insurance
directly, that they are very value-conscious and they put enormous
pressure on us to deliver good insurance values.)
Under the competitive pressure generated by the Consumer Choice
Health Plan, qualified carriers will in turn contract with health
care providers in organized delivery systems that can demonstrate
the ability to deliver quality care in an efficient and
cost-conscious manner. This is managed care in action. Obviously,
selective provider contracting is happening today, but it will
intensify and become much more sophisticated.
Consumer demand for value also will put enormous pressure on the
entire system -- health care providers and insurers alike -- to
find ways to eliminate waste in the system. The Consumer Choice
Health Plan also assumes the adoption of a uniform bill and
installation of electronic networks throughout the state to
eliminate the cost and burden of today's paperbound processes. The
Plan also assumes that there will be caps on administrative
expenditures.
Sources of Funds
One of the cornerstones of the Consumer Choice Health Plan
is its funding mechanism. There is enough money in the system today
to expand basic insurance to all and to fund the tax credit. The
funds just haven't been allocated equitably. The five principal
sources of funds are as follows:
Individual income taxes associated with the elimination
of the tax exclusion for health care benefits as well as the
deduction for out-of-pocket medical expenses.
A 4 percent employer payroll tax. As I said before, employers
who contribute to health care benefits today pay between 8 percent
and 10 percent of the payroll.
Increased corporate tax revenues on any increased profits earned
to the extent that employee tax credits reduce the level of
employer expenses for health care benefits.
Federal and state public funds currently spent for the acute
care part of Medicaid and other public health programs.
Uncompensated care dollars no longer needed to cover hospital
bad debt.
It all adds up to a program which is budget neutral (See Table
5). It can be done. The math works for Maryland and it works for
the nation.
Can the Consumer Choice Health Plan be successful? Yes, I
believe it can. The current Federal Employees Health Benefits
Program is structured somewhat like the Consumer Choice Health
Plan, in that it offers a specified amount of financial
contribution which is known to federal employees together with wide
choice of plans.
I believe that the success of the FEHBP program in moderating
costs can be attributed in large part to the design which gives
consumers a clear role in making their purchase decisions.
As you can see, this proposal varies in significant ways from
that proposed by President Bush and somewhat from that proposed by
The Heritage Foundation. The Bush proposal provides a tax credit
for individuals at the lower income scale, but offers no explicit
funding mechanism. It also continues the tax deduction for
employer-based insurance, which insulates consumers from the
market.
Employer Participation
The Heritage proposal goes much further, by repealing the
tax deduction for health care benefits, and imposing an individual
mandate, as well as expanding the tax credit to a wider income
band. However, the Maryland Plan relies much more heavily on
employers to participate through the requirement that all employers
offer insurance as well as help finance the tax credit through the
4 percent payroll tax.
In conclusion, I believe that the strength of the Maryland
Consumer Choice Health Plan is that it achieves all four reform
goals in an integrated way. It provides universal access to a
standard benefit which eliminates the need for a separate public
program for acute care Medicaid.
The Consumer Health Plan brings competitive pressures into the
system to control costs. It reallocates funding equitably so that
it is budget neutral. And it preserves what is good about our
system.
Solid and Equitable
Obviously there are aspects of this proposal that are
controversial and details that are subject to further discussion.
But I believe that the principles inherent in the Plan are solid
and equitable. The truth is that fundamental reform requires
everyone to give a little to make it work.
If the problems of the system are looked at from an integrated
rather than a piecemeal perspective, I think we will have a real
shot at success.
At this point, Delegate Casper Taylor and others are working
hard in Maryland to implement the Consumer Choice Health Plan as a
statewide demonstration. We strongly believe that experimentation
at the statewide level is the way to go because of the dramatic
changes that potentially could occur with a significant part of the
national economy under a permanent change of such scope.
It is important to note that when other countries moved to a
form of national health system, health care spending was
approximately 3 percent to 4 percent of the GNP. Ours is now in
excess of 12 percent. We cannot afford to make errors that would
dramatically affect our economy in a negative way.
Let me end by quoting Franklin Delano Roosevelt, who said: "The
test of our progress is not whether we add more to the abundance of
those who have too much; it is whether we provide enough for those
who have too little." Consumer Choice does just that in the health
care arena.
© 1995 Persimmon IT, Inc.