(Delivered 13 June
2006)
Thank you all for being here
today. I am a deep admirer of Ed Feulner, and also of the Heritage
Foundation and your constant reminder to us all of the
importance of principles that made our nation great: free
enterprise, limited government, individual freedom,
traditional American values, and a strong national
defense.
I'm proud to be here today to
represent those views and values, and my preparation has recalled
some wonderful memories of the subject I'm going to talk about
today.
The year was 1994. I was at the
time the governor of Utah, and I had been elected by my colleagues
as the Vice Chairman of the Republican Governors'
Association.
There were 19 of us at that time.
Ten days following the November election of that year, I was
elected the Chairman of the Republican Governors' Association, but
at that point, there were 29 of us. Oh, the difference that an
election makes!
Not only had the election produced
an increase of 10 Republican governors, but it had produced-for the
first time in decades-a Republican majority in the House of
Representatives and a Republican majority in the
Senate.
As the incoming Chairman, I had
the responsibility to choose both the place we would meet after the
election and the theme that we would pursue.
We chose Williamsburg because of a
passion that I thought was collectively felt among the Republican
governors to revisit the value and the importance of federalism. We
gathered there where a previous Revolution had been started 217
years earlier by a group of Virginia patriots, and we began a
discussion after the election about a revolutionary idea. It
was the idea of devolving power back to the states.
Because the election had been such
a profound event-almost unexpectedly profound-it was the first
moment where the governors, now 29 strong, and the Congress, both
in the House and the Senate, gathered collectively. Newt
Gingrich brought his new leadership team; Bob Dole brought his
team; and the governors gathered. We were all there for the first
time since the election.
On the third day of our gathering,
I believe, before dawn, I walked the historic section of
Williamsburg with then Speaker-elect Newt Gingrich. Now, Newt
is by training and by instinct a teacher, and he could not resist commenting
about the history as we walked.
It was a rich experience for me to
hear his reflections about the formation of our government. As
we walked past the House of Burgesses, he told me about how the
colonial governor had refused to have any discussion of revolution
at that point or in that place.
And so the group got up and
left-the group included Washington and Madison and Jefferson- and
they marched together down to Bruton
Parish Church where they continued their meeting, and then they
went on to the Raleigh Tavern where, I suspect, they sealed their
decisions.
The two of us on that day walked
along the same path. Because it was well before dawn, there was a
low-hanging fog. It was almost dream-like. It just felt like James
Madison was going to step out of the mist at any second.
Agenda for Devolution
But as we walked, and as we talked
about the birth of a new nation and the sacrifice that it required
at places like Lexington and Valley Forge and Bunker Hill, we also
began to talk about the opportunity that lay in front of us, of our
good fortune to be able to serve at that time, and the chance
to change the direction of our country in a fundamental
way.
That meeting at Williamsburg set
an agenda. It was a dramatic and a historic devolution of power
back to the states on the subject of welfare. Over the ensuing two
years, history was made. In 1996 welfare reform became
law.
So, I am especially pleased to be
here today with you to reflect back, and
also to look forward on this, the tenth anniversary of the passage
of welfare reform.
During that period of time, I made
30 trips to Washington. It was an intense period of discussion. I
was not alone; there were many other governors. I think it may have
been among the most effective collaborations between states and
Congress at any time-in my recollection or knowledge, at
least.
The Heritage Foundation played an
invaluable role in those discussions. You helped the bill in 1996,
and it occurs to me today how important it is that you're still
here, and that you will move forward with the spirit of
welfare reform and the spirit of devolution, the spirit of those
basic principles of federalism.
Why? Because
almost everyone who was involved in that discussion in 1994, 1995,
and 1996 has now moved to different parts of their lives.
But this institution remains, and I just want to challenge you and
the Foundation in its continued role to stand tall, as you always
have and as you always will.
Today, I want to focus my remarks
in three ways:
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First, I'd like to, for context, review
the successes that have occurred over the course of the past
ten years.
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Second, I'd like to discuss what
President Bush called the "unfinished business" of welfare reform;
he addressed this when he signed the Deficit Reduction Act. That
unfinished business relates to new provisions of the TANF
(Temporary Assistance for Needy Families) law that was part of the
reauthorization and the funding for the President's Healthy
Marriage Initiative. Together, both components represent a
critical mid-course correction that keeps the focus just where it
needs to be: on work and the value of marriage in
society.
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I also want to address how the Healthy
Marriage Initiative that the President has proposed holds
great promise for the advancing of welfare reform to a new
level, and offers hope for poor Americans, especially poor children
in America.
A Quiet
Revolution
I'd like to start by just
reflecting back.
Welfare reform stands as a signal
achievement, in my judgment, in social reform policy. The TANF act
brought significant improvements in the lives of many Americans by
helping them break the cycle of dependency and encouraging them to
pursue self-sufficiency. It caused a quiet revolution in personal
empowerment, and it continues to this very day.
Since 1996:
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Welfare rolls have declined by 57
percent.
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Fewer families are on welfare than at
any time since 1969.
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Employment among single mothers has
increased dramatically, reaching 63 percent today, the highest
level ever.
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Child support collections have nearly
doubled.
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Nearly a million and a half fewer
children live in poverty than a decade ago. Child poverty among
African-Americans has declined from 40 percent to 33 percent; among
Hispanics, from 40 percent to 29 percent.
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We are also beginning to see a modest
reduction in out-of-wedlock births among African-Americans,
and among all low-income teenage girls.
Lives Transformed
I had the privilege of not only
seeing this law passed, but being governor during the first five
years and beyond of its implementation. I saw example after example
of lives it transformed-not systems, but lives.
The best way to measure the
success of a welfare effort like this is not in numbers or in the
percentages, but in the human terms of those lives.
A person very similar to many that
I met during my time as governor is Brenda. Brenda is a single
parent of two children. She was back on welfare after losing her
job. She was discouraged, she had been living in poverty, and she
felt hopeless about the future. She was even teased by her family;
in fact, she herself said that she had been on welfare so long that
they ought to put her face on the food stamps.
She said that without
encouragement and without the support from Employment Services
in her state, she'd still be collecting welfare. Brenda secured a
full-time job; she worked first as a receptionist for three
years. She has been working at the same organization for that
entire period of time. She has accepted two promotions, and she
values deeply the stability that it's provided her life and for her
family. She was able to buy a car and ultimately bought a home.
Brenda was able to live the American dream.
The stability of her employment
has contributed not only to her own success, but also to the
success of her children. Her oldest child graduated from high
school with honors by following the example of a good mother moving
forward.
Brenda's job has motivated her to
improve her health; she lost 90 pounds in that time.
This is a powerful influence: the
sense of freedom that comes of self-sufficiency is a powerful
influence in the lives of us all.
Unfinished Business
Now there's unfinished business,
as I've indicated. So stunning were the achievements of
welfare reform that there is a tendency to think that the job might
be done, but it's not.
We've had huge caseload
reductions, and those caseloads have been so large that, in many
respects, they've overshadowed the reality that there are still
many, many families that are trapped in government dependency and
are not being challenged to find work. By 2004, less than a third
of the TANF adult caseload was fully meeting the requirement for
work.
Last year-this is a statistic that
will startle you-on average, states reported that nearly 60 percent
of able-bodied adult TANF recipients had not participated in even a
single hour of activity related to work or preparing for work over
the course of a month. Nearly 60 percent!
Even before the original TANF
legislation expired in 2002, President Bush was pushing for
improvements in work requirements and calling for more attention to
the subject of marriage. The President was concerned about the
progress of welfare reform. He was concerned that it may have
stalled, and that the Senate was unable to move it
forward.
Many observers have said that the
President's goals of improving work were too difficult to achieve.
I must tell you that we heard exactly that criticism in 1994, in
1995, and in 1996. But, we persevered, and you can see the
results.
The Deficit Reduction Act of 2005
encourages states to engage the remaining number of adult TANF
recipients in work-related activities to move them up the economic
ladder.
The Deficit Reduction Act goes far
beyond just reauthorizing TANF for another five years. It requires
once again that states engage at least half of the TANF recipients
in productive work activities. You might say we've rebooted the
system, and we are starting welfare reform all over
again.
The law also requires states to
include adult recipients receiving cash welfare in a separate state
program when they calculate their work participation
requirements. This applies if the state expenditures are
counted against the maintenance of effort requirement, again under
the TANF program.
In addition, the law authorizes
HHS to regulate how states define work. The original TANF
legislation allowed states to be over-generous, I might
suggest, in calculating the work participation rates.
For example, an August 2005 report
of the Government Accountability Office found that many states
had listed some peculiar definitions of what constituted
work:
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Bed rest was defined as work in some
states;
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Physical rehabilitation, which could
include massage or regular exercise;
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Activities such as personal journaling
and motivational reading and weight loss promotion, all worthy
activities, but not necessarily within the category of
work.
Needless to say, I think we can
all agree we need to have a better definition of what constitutes
work.
HHS is going to be issuing an
interim final regulation later this month, and I hope that the
Heritage Foundation will continue to add its voice to this debate
and to support real reforms, as it has always done. This type of
regulation and rule will create motivation and it will require
change, but it's change that will
improve the lives not just of states, but also of those whom we
intend this to serve.
Promoting Healthy Marriages
The other piece of unfinished
business on welfare reform involves the renewed efforts of
promoting healthy marriages.
As you'll remember, in 1996, the
legislation brought back an important word that had been missing
from welfare policy for a long time; that word was
marriage.
That legislation set national
goals to reduce out-of-wedlock births and to strengthen the
two-parent family. It also granted states freedom to use a
portion of the TANF program to promote marriage.
The connection between marriage
and the health of the society became very evident to me during the
time that I was governor. As a governor, you begin to see the
reflection of what occurs when society doesn't value
marriage.
For years, people like Daniel
Patrick Moynihan had warned about the structural breakdown of the
family-what it would do in aggregate to our economy and to our
social and educational disparities, particularly where
African-Americans were concerned.
Since passage of welfare reform in
1996, we've made progress, but the evidence is mixed. In 1995, the
percentage of black children born out of wedlock hit 70
percent. It has dropped every year since, but only to 68.5 percent
in 2000, and to 68.2 percent in
2002. Still work to do.
On the other hand, more
adults-black and white-are choosing to have children outside the
protective bonds of marriage.
In any discussion of marriage and
public policy, we need to recognize that some marriages fail, and
for reasons that are hard to control. We also need to understand
that in these situations, many single parents make heroic efforts,
often with success, to raise their children well and to keep them
the priority they deserve to be. As President Bush has said,
"The hardest job in America is to be a single mom...."
At the same time, the retreat from
marriage across the board does not bode well for children as a
whole. One in three children goes to bed every night without the
benefit of a father in their home.
Why does that concern us? It
concerns us because, as a whole, children do best when they grow up
in a stable family with two, continuously married
parents.
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All things being equal, they do better
academically.
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They are half as likely to have
emotional or behavioral problems.
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They are less likely to use illegal
drugs, drink alcohol, or smoke tobacco.
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They are less likely to be physically
abused, less likely to suffer physical neglect, and less likely to
suffer emotional neglect.
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And, finally, children in two-parent
families are seven times less likely to live in
poverty.
Five years ago, President Bush
launched his Healthy Marriage Initiative to strengthen marriage and
to strengthen family.
The Deficit Reduction Act of 2005
furthered those efforts. It furthered those efforts by
redirecting, in a cost-neutral way, a small portion of the
TANF program funds to be able to focus on this very important
priority.
For several years, HHS has been
funding healthy marriage initiatives through several different
funding streams, but the Deficit Reduction Act provided
funding as a dedicated funding stream. This funding helps
couples access marriage education services, on a voluntary
basis, where they can develop the skills and the knowledge
necessary to sustain healthy marriages.
Without adding a single penny to
the federal budget, the Deficit Reduction Act makes $500
million available over the next five years to community- and
faith-based organizations, as well as to federal, state, and local
governments for healthy marriage projects. The Deficit Reduction
Act also makes $250 million available over the next five years for
activities to promote responsible fatherhood.
Our efforts are focused on three
priorities:
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First, building Strong Families by
focusing on unmarried parents who are actively contemplating
getting married.
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Second, supporting Healthy Marriages by
increasing access to marital education for low-income couples that
have already been married.
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And, lastly, strengthening Community
Healthy Marriage Initiatives by soliciting support from entire
communities to help couples be able to sustain healthy
marriages.
The research is undeniable; it
shows that marriage education is indeed effective, and our
demonstration projects have hit a responsive chord among
low-income couples.
There is a direct imperative and
direct connection between the health of marriages and the health of
a nation. Examples of healthy marriage initiative success are
all around us. There is a program in Alabama, for example, that
works with low-income, mostly African-American mothers and fathers
to teach individual, relationship- and decision-making
skills.
One of the participants, from
Mobile, reports, "We've been to other programs that have helped us
with the baby and that's been great. But this is the first time
that we've gotten the chance to talk about us, and how we get
along, and how we can be strong together. We know that working on
that is really good for the baby, too."
I visited a home with the First
Lady, Mrs. Bush, where we had a chance to speak with a large
number of African-American young men who had fathered
children. One had fathered one, another had fathered two
children-they were all under 18 years of age. None of them had any
connection to a family that included a father.
Mrs. Bush had reached out, looking
for ways to fund an organization that was helping them to learn the
importance of fatherhood and marriage. It is not an ethic that they
had internalized, and that's true of people across various races,
ethnic, and religious circumstances.
This is a very important part of
how we continue to see momentum toward the principle of
self-reliance, caring for those who are needy but teaching and
fostering the value of self-reliance.
Hope for a Better Future
Two pillars of welfare reform are
TANF work requirements and a Healthy Marriage Initiative; they
represent wise policies. As President Bush has said, they are
public policies that will "make a difference in the character of our
country."
Strengthening new provisions in
this law, these two policies will have great promise, in my
judgment, for helping less fortunate people in our
society. They offer men and women the tools that they need to
escape government dependency while forming and sustaining
healthy marriages. Most importantly, they offer the children
in our country hope for a better future. That's good for America as
well.
The Honorable Mike Leavitt is
U.S. Secretary of Health and Human Services.