I'd like to tell you about the President's vision
for promoting health care quality and access through affordable
care in the United States. It's a vision that looks to some
significant reforms and improvements in our health care system now
and down the road. It's a vision that also is forward-looking in
terms of thinking about the potential for the American health care
system in the years ahead. We think the potential vastly exceeds
everything that we've seen so far, tremendous as it has been in
improving quality and length of life.
The
main text that serves as a basis for what I'm going to talk about
is a chapter in the Economic Report of the President, prepared by
the Council of Economic Advisers and released in February of this
year. So if you'd like to see more details, I refer you to that
chapter.
We
have a very strong health care system in many respects. It's one of
the largest and most vibrant sectors of our economy. It has
accounted for much of the economic growth of our economy in recent
years. And I think our high-tech industries are intimately
connected with the health care developments that have been a
hallmark of American economic growth.
The
discovery and innovation that these industries have produced in the
United States are unparalleled. The U.S. has more Nobel Prizes in
medicine than all other countries combined. The U.S. has been
leading the world in the development of new drugs, new devices, and
new ways of delivering care, providing these innovative medical
treatments in as cost-effective and rapid a way as possible. The
U.S. has also led the world in developing a number of information
systems to provide better access to the kinds of information that
patients and doctors need to make informed decisions about their
health care.
So
it shouldn't really be any surprise that the health of Americans
has improved in many measurable and important ways in the past
decade. For people who were born in 1990, life expectancy is seven
years longer than it was in 1950. Mortality rates from all heart
diseases combined have declined by 40 percent over the past 20
years or so. Disability among the elderly has decreased 20 percent
in the past two decades. Not only are we living longer, in part
because of improvements in medical care, but we're also living
better, with less disability and a higher quality of life.
We
owe much of that to the innovations in our health care system--not
just the high-tech procedures and devices, but also the
consequences of better information. As we learn more about the
basis for diseases, we understand better what steps people can take
through their behavior, through their lifestyle and other measures
to improve their health.
But
our system is challenged. Health care expenditures continue to rise
rapidly. Before joining the Administration, I did a lot of research
on this issue of rising health care costs. The compelling
evidence--not only from my work, but mainly from work by many other
prominent economists and academic clinicians--is that most of the
increases in health care costs are due largely to improvements in
medical treatments and medical technology. It's not higher prices
for drugs or doctors' care, and it's not medical waste, although
these factors are small contributors. It's due to the fact that
there are more and better treatments available for a far broader
range of conditions than were ever possible in the past.
It's
cold comfort to say that you should be happy about rising health
care costs as you struggle to meet your health insurance premium
costs, which are going up, and struggle to pay for all those new
prescription drugs, but that's really the underlying story here.
And that's why health care expenditures are rising. This country
actually leads the world in the share of expenditures devoted to
health care at 13.4 percent of our GDP, and I think everyone's
expectation, at least in the economic community, is that the growth
in health care costs is going to continue to outpace the growth of
the economy in the years ahead.
Again, there's every reason to expect that
we're going to be better off for it. The value of these
improvements in health far exceeds their cost to the economy.
According to estimates by Professor William Nordhouse at Yale,
perhaps as much as half of the entire value-added that economic
growth has brought over the past 50 years is due to the
improvements in health that have occurred as part of our
development in technological progress.
But
this conclusion does seem to imply that costs will continue to go
up, and right now, perhaps more than any time in the past decade or
so, there is real concern about not knowing a way out of this cost
quandary. After a decade of cost control through managed care in
the private sector and through government attempts to control
prices in the public sector, health insurance premiums in the
private sector are again rising at double-digit rates, and federal
and state expenditures on public programs are also increasing
dramatically.
In
addition, there are some fundamental disparities in access to care
and in quality of care. Many Americans don't have health insurance.
There are also fundamental differences in health status that are
strongly associated with factors like poverty, race, and even areas
of residence in the country.
In
all of this, there are some clear opportunities to improve the
access to and quality of health care. It would be one thing if we
were achieving these kinds of gains in productivity--or, in more
basic terms, in quality and length of life--in a way that was
associated with the efficient and most effective possible delivery
of medical care, but there is a lot of evidence that we could be
doing better. For example, medical errors are all too common. There
is considerable evidence of both underutilization and
overutilization of medical services, and regardless of whether or
not the underutilization cancels out the overutilization and this
saves any money, it's clearly the case that we could be getting a
lot more for the dollars that we are spending on health care. As
costs continue to go up, we need to be even more careful that we
are getting the most possible benefits out of the dollars that we
spend on health care.
That
leads to the principles that the President has laid out for where
he would like to see the American health care system go in the
years ahead. In the President's vision, all Americans should have
access to high-quality and affordable health care. This vision can
be realized through Americans' having choices and control over
their health care decisions--with patients working with doctors to
make those decisions.
The
best way to do this, the President believes, is through choice and
competition. They are proven American approaches in most sectors of
our world-leading economy, and have led to more rapid and sustained
growth in economic terms over the past decade than in just about
any other fully developed country in the world; but choice and
competition can also work in health care to promote innovation, and
to encourage new ideas for controlling costs and delivering care in
a more effective way.
In
this vision, there is an important role for the government. It's
not in telling people what care they should get and deciding how
doctors can or can't treat patients; that seems like a sure way to
fall behind, not only in the availability of medical treatments but
also in the innovative ways of providing those treatments.
People talk a lot about how, if you're
sick anywhere in the world, the place where you want to get your
care is the United States because the most innovative medical
treatments are often available here first. But I always like to
think about the innovations that occur in health insurance and in
coverage as well. Along with the developments in prescription drugs
over the past several decades, for example, there have been some
major developments in health programs, such as wellness and disease
management programs that help patients get their drug treatments in
the most effective way possible.
The
way that we're headed, you can envision patients not even having to
go to the doctor to manage a chronic illness in the years ahead.
They will be able to do it from home both with telephone, Internet,
and other kinds of support and with pills that they can take as
needed, to stay well and avoid complications. That's an innovative
way of developing health care through coordinated disease
management programs and the like, a method that is just
fundamentally at odds with a government-run structure of defining
how health care is delivered.
So,
in the President's vision, the primary role of government should be
to improve the health care market. We can do this by providing
information; by helping to provide the right kinds of incentives so
that our doctors and patients are making the best use of the
resources available; and by, where needed, targeting regulation to
address some limited failures of the market to do everything that
it should.
The
government also has a fundamental role in promoting research. We
are this year finishing the achievement of the President's goal of
doubling the budget for the National Institutes of Health over five
years. Again, not only are we supporting research on new medical
technologies and gaining insights from such fundamental discoveries
as the sequencing of the human genome, but we're also promoting
research on how to use these treatments most effectively, how to
improve the appropriateness of care, how to address health
disparities.
The
government also has a key role to play in providing financial
support for those with low incomes and significant health care
needs so that they too can participate in the same kind of
mainstream health care coverage that all other Americans enjoy.
Of
course, with the importance of Medicare and Social Security in the
nation's long-standing commitment to providing assistance for
people who are over 65 and persons with disabilities, the
government has an important role in fulfilling our commitment to
seniors while enhancing choice and broadening benefits: again,
giving them access to the same kind of mainstream health care
coverage system with choices about how to get the best possible
coverage that all other Americans should enjoy as well.
In
this approach that the President has laid out, individual patients,
working with health care professionals, are the ones responsible
for deciding the best way to get care. That goes for the health
plan that can give them the best possible coverage. It also goes
for deciding which health care services have the greatest value for
them.
Giving individuals the opportunity and the
responsibility to work with doctors effectively helps on two
counts. First, doctors and patients are in the best position to
determine what the best treatment for a particular circumstance is.
It's not a government treatment guideline by itself, helpful as
those might be in some cases. Its not a rule, a coverage rule
defined by an HMO bureaucrat or a government bureaucrat in the
Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS). It's patients
working with their doctors.
This
also is the best way to control costs because patients are the ones
in the best position to balance the benefits and costs of the
health care they receive: whether the types of health care coverage
or the disease management programs are worth it or not; whether the
insurance plan that they are in is the best approach for getting
the most value for their money. As I mentioned before, now more
than ever, it is critical for us to pay attention to getting the
most value for the health care dollars that we spend.
In
short, if you add it all up, this program amounts to
patient-centered health care. This is the President's vision:
patient-centered health care; care that puts the needs and the
values of the patient foremost; care that makes the patient the
primary decisionmaker, working in partnership with dedicated health
care professionals, to make decisions about costs, and to make
decisions about the benefits of care.
So
how do we achieve this kind of vision? There are a lot of features
of the American health care system that I think are very promising
in this regard. We have, in contrast to most other health care
systems around the world, more private participation, more
opportunities for coverage options than just about any other
country, but we need to do more.
We
need health reform that builds on some of these existing strengths
in the American health care system. For one, employer-sponsored
health insurance needs to be protected. The President has proposals
to do this, to strengthen employer-sponsored coverage. These
proposals include support for improved medical savings
accounts--or, as I like to think of them, health accounts.
Medical savings accounts have not proven
that popular with people so far because they've been implemented in
a way that has a fundamental disconnect from the way that people
have been getting their health insurance coverage. What we propose
to do is make these health accounts much more widely available and
bring down the very high deductible limits and restrictions on
coverage that are in these plans now.
Instead of a deductible limit well over
$3,000 for a family policy, which is not only something that many
families are uncomfortable with for out-of-pocket spending, but is
also something that's not observed in the private health insurance
plans now available, we'd like a more reasonable number--maybe
something like a $1,000 deductible for an individual but includes
an opportunity to get good preventive care and basic care without
counting against the deductible.
If
you look at what's happening in the real world today, the private
market and the plans that people are choosing are leaving the
government behind. People are moving toward plans that give them
choices of doctors; if they want to pay more for it, they often
have to, but they have the opportunity to go outside of a network
of care. They have a broad range of choices, and they're willing to
pay for this even though the tax system today is fundamentally
biased against those kinds of plans.
If
someone chooses an HMO for their employer coverage and pays a
premium that entitles them to care with a $5 co-pay for that
network of physicians in the HMO, that's fully tax deductible. On
the other hand, if they choose a point-of-service plan or a
preferred provider organization (PPO) that has a significant
deductible and gives them some important coverage when they go
outside of the network for any doctor that they want to see so they
can get the health care they want, they often end up paying
thousands of dollars out of pocket, and that is not deductible.
So
we have a health care system that is biased against the ability of
patients to choose the coverage that's best for them and to choose
the doctors and the treatment that's best for them. The President
wants to level that playing field, and health accounts are a good
way to do that.
A
related proposal that we think is also a good way to do that is to
allow flexible spending accounts, which are now widely available in
employer-provided coverage, to be rolled over at least to some
extent. These accounts are tools that businesses have come up with
largely on their own to help people with out-of-pocket costs
without it counting against their tax liability--again, to address
this imbalance that I was just talking about.
The
problem is that, under current law, it's use it or lose it. You
have to spend the money by the end of the year; you can't roll it
over and save it for when you might have higher health care
expenditures in the future. By allowing people to save some of the
cost that they'd like to set aside for their health care needs in
these tax-favored accounts, we give them more flexibility in how
they get their coverage and also provide better protection against
high costs when they do occur.
It
seems like a smart thing to do, and it would certainly move the
health care system in the direction of strengthening employer
coverage, which is already moving in the direction of higher
out-of-pocket costs, and--at least for people who are willing to
pay those costs--more flexibility in how they get their
coverage.
For
those without employer-sponsored insurance, we also support
proposals to improve their access to and the affordability of their
health insurance plans through health insurance tax credits,
refundable credits, and purchasing pool opportunities. These
proposals include purchasing pools that might be set up by states
to provide competing health insurance plans or other mechanisms.
We've also supported, in recent legislation, the idea of
strengthening high-risk pools for people who have serious, chronic
conditions and so pay a high cost to get coverage in the individual
market.
But
the idea of health insurance credits to correct another imbalance
in our health care system--which is that people who don't get
employer-sponsored coverage often get no help at all from the
government, no tax deductibility, no assistance of any kind--is a
critical element of improving health insurance coverage.
The
President has proposed a health insurance credit in his budget that
would be usable by up to 15 million people who are buying coverage
on their own now with no assistance at all from the government
because they don't have access to a good employer plan, or that
would be usable by people who are not able to afford coverage on
their own now. Not only would this policy help make coverage more
affordable in the non-group market for people who are having
trouble struggling on their own to pay for it, but it would also
make coverage available for about 6 million people who are
uninsured.
This
is an important approach for addressing the problem of insurance.
It's one that we spent a lot of time working on, not only
internally but with experts from outside the Administration and a
number of Democrats who support these kinds of ideas to make sure
we can implement them in a way that works.
One
of the main criticisms of health insurance credit proposals in the
past was that, for people who don't have any tax liability or who
are struggling month-to-month with just meeting their expenses,
waiting until the end of the year for a small deduction isn't going
to be much help. We've listened.
We've proposed a health insurance credit
that is fully refundable so that it's worth the same amount
regardless of your tax liability, and we've proposed it in a way
that's advanceable--a technical term that means you can use it when
you're actually buying your insurance as a way of lowering the
actual premium that you pay month to month. You don't have to wait
until the end of the year; you can get the coverage now.
This
is a proposal that has a subsidy or an assistance rate that phases
down with income, so that it is a very cost-effective way of
significantly reducing the total number of uninsured and
establishing an approach that we think will be very effective in
providing the kind of health care system the patient wants, one
where patients have the opportunity to choose the coverage that's
best for them and to use their resources, these additional
resources from the government, in the most cost-effective way
possible.
Finally, we are proposing some steps to
help small businesses with their coverage. Small businesses have
faced some of the highest premium increases in recent years and
were struggling to keep health care affordable even before the
increases; increases that occurred because of higher loading costs
for small businesses and because these companies are subject to a
number of mandates that don't apply to large firms that are
entitled to exemptions under ERISA, the Employee Retirement Income
Security Act of 1974.
The
President has proposed an idea for association health plans that
would enable small businesses to pool together to get access to
some of the same kinds of discounts from higher-volume purchasing
and the same kinds of flexibility to design coverage options that
large firms have. Right now, small employers too often can offer
only one plan because the insurer requires that just about all
their employees participate in their plan alone. If you have only
five or eight employees, you can understand why an insurer might
want to do that.
A
better approach, the President thinks, is to make available the
option of pooling together with other small businesses and in
associations, like the National Federation of Independent Business,
to purchase health insurance together so you can get access to the
same menu of choices that will be available across state
lines--that can cover multiple states and have the same kind of
flexibility that large firms have.
We
understand that there is some real concern about making sure this
is implemented in a way that doesn't repeat the mistakes of the
so-called MEWAs, the Multiple Employer Welfare Arrangements, which
are not working well in many cases. We have some good ideas about
how to do that, and we are going to continue to work on finding
ways to implement this even more effectively.
Altogether, these proposals amount to
steps that would substantially reduce the number of uninsured. They
can be implemented now and don't require states to come up with
matching funds or set up fundamentally new administrative
infrastructures; and they could immediately have a significant
impact on the cost of care, the number of uninsured, and the
affordability of care for everyone in our private health insurance
system.
There also are fundamental pressures that
apply to public health care systems today. There is a looming
fiscal crisis on both the federal and state levels caused by the
rapid growth in health care costs that I described earlier.
In
spite of the cost increases, though, there are still major
shortcomings in the benefit designs of both the Medicare and
Medicaid programs. Medicaid programs too often are not providing
complete or integrated benefit packages. Many of them still rely on
old-style fee-for-service coverage and the arbitrary limits on
access to physicians and access to prescriptions and other valuable
medical treatments that come with it.
In
the Medicaid program, things are heading in exactly the wrong
direction. There are getting to be fewer and fewer choices
available to seniors other than a single, one-size-fits-all,
government-run, old-style fee-for-service health insurance plan
that is extremely costly for seniors.
To
get by in the Medicare fee-for-service program, you typically need
to spend not just the $50 a month Medicare premium cost, but
another, much larger amount--three or four times that--for a
Medigap policy that typically won't even cover prescription drugs
or other valuable integrated services like disease management; not
a good option for seniors when health care costs are rising as
rapidly as they are; and not a good way for seniors who might
prefer to get care more cost-effectively.
Once
again, we think that competition is likely to produce more benefits
than these traditional government-run bureaucratic structures have
been able to produce through extensive regulation and administered
pricing. We would like to replace the current Medicare structure or
augment the current Medicare fee-for-service benefit with other
options for seniors who prefer it. We think that seniors, just like
every federal employee and millions of other Americans, should have
a choice of a much broader range of health insurance plans than
just an old-style fee-for-service benefit.
For
example, that fee-for-service benefit has no prescription drug
coverage and has been way behind the times in introducing benefits
for preventive care--benefits for things like cholesterol screening
that have long been available in private plans. Medicare has very
high out-of-pocket expenses from an arbitrary benefit package that
owes more to the legislative history for enacting this program in
1965 than to anything that has to do with effective ways of
providing health care coverage in our modern health care system,
including no stop-loss protection, $800 per hospitalization
deductibles for getting care for each hospital spell, and 50
percent co-pays or higher for outpatient care in many cases.
For
all these reasons, seniors almost have to buy Medigap
plans--supplemental private insurance plans--that are extremely
costly, that are not a very good recipe for delivering high value
care, and that give seniors no choice. Many seniors prefer this
kind of model. That's what they're used to, that's what they want,
and they should be able to keep that; but it just seems wrong that
seniors shouldn't have the option of selecting other systems that
many of them prefer.
Millions of seniors have been enrolled in
private plans and Medicare through the Medicare+Choice program, but
those choices are going away today. Medicare+Choice and Medicare
are paid through the same kind of arbitrary regulatory price
structure approach that is just not keeping pace, not only with the
cost of delivering care in private plans, but even with the cost of
the traditional fee-for-service Medicare programs.
No
wonder options are rapidly becoming less available to seniors. And
that just seems wrong to us in the Administration: that seniors
should not have the option to continue coverage that for them is
often the preferred choice; preferred because they can get wellness
programs, because they can get drug coverage, because they can get
disease management programs and other benefits that have not been
available in Medicare.
In
short, the Medicare program, and the Medicaid program as well,
should move in the direction of encouraging patient-centered care,
and move in the direction of encouraging patients that participate
in mainstream health care coverage plans that they choose, so that
they can select the ones with the innovations that they need
through a competitive choice mechanism.
I
also want to say a couple of things about the importance of
improving quality of care. We have a health care system that is not
delivering high-quality care often enough even as health care costs
keep rising, straining the pocketbooks of just about every
American. We think that a truly competitive system, one that
provides the right kinds of incentives by giving people choices,
enabling them to get the coverage that best meets their needs, is
the best way to lay a foundation of higher-quality care for all
Americans, for the kind of efficient health care that we
desperately need in the 21st century.
To
go along with that, there is a key role for the government to play
in providing better information for patients, employers, and
providers about quality of care and costs of different treatment
options and different kinds of coverage. We think that, together,
better information and the right kinds of reforms to give patients
choices and to provide a truly competitive system of health care
for all Americans will lead to high-quality care.
In
our current health care system, providers that are trying to do the
right thing, that would like to keep people out of the hospital,
that would like to involve patients in their care in ways that keep
them as healthy as possible for as long as possible, are too often
punished. Reimbursement systems in Medicare, for example, are set
up to pay hospitals more for more complications, not more for
delivering higher-quality care.
It's
a fundamental incentive problem: As long as we have a
government-regulated fee-for-service structure as the only option
for seniors, we're never going to change this environment in which
doctors are practicing. Our litigation system encourages an
environment for medical practice that punishes doctors rather than
rewarding them for identifying ways to deliver safer, more
effective care.
When
I was practicing on the West Coast, I was involved in a program
that was designed to implement more effective patient safety
programs in hospitals. Too often, the doctors we were working with
would talk to the risk-management team at their hospital--the risk
management here is litigation risk, not patient risk--and would be
told that, "Yes, you should try to avoid errors, but please don't
write any of the stuff down and don't talk about it with too many
of your colleagues from other hospitals and other health care
experts, because this is just going to come back to haunt us and
open the door to discovery for who knows what kind of lawsuit down
the road." That's wrong.
Efforts to improve the quality of care by
identifying medical errors when they occur and preventing them from
ever happening again need to be protected from litigation. Reforms
should also encourage the reduction of the defensive medical
practices that are too much a part of health care delivery
today.
Another critical role for the government
is obviously in supporting biomedical research. We have achieved
tremendous things over the past 30 years, and when I look back at
my practice over the past 10 years--it's tremendous how much the
treatment of a heart attack patient, say, has changed, between 1990
and now.
If
you go back even further, 30 years ago, if you came in with a heart
attack, the doctor would put you in a bed and say, "Try to stay
comfortable and we'll cross our fingers." There were a couple of
medications patients could get, but that was pretty much it.
Today, there are treatments that can be
available immediately and not only treat the heart attack, but also
prevent it from happening in the first place and then prevent
future attacks from occurring. That's why we've seen these huge
improvements in the quality and length of life. And that's the kind
of thing we need to encourage through both biomedical research and
a health care system that creates an environment within which we
can quickly adopt the best treatments that our innovative health
care system has to offer.
We
need to be very careful that we're only adopting the high-valued
ones. We're spending a lot of money on health care, but we
shouldn't resort to arbitrary mechanisms of controlling and
restricting the development of new technologies and the use of new
technologies that have so much potential for improving health in
the future.
Think ahead to 30 years from now when our
understanding of the genome is going to have been translated into
being able not only to tell people what diseases they are at risk
for and when and what specific steps, through medication, lifestyle
management, and the like, they can take to avoid those diseases,
but also to individually tailor therapies, drugs that work on a
particular patient's genetic makeup to cure or prevent an illness
entirely.
Think ahead to a stage when we're going to
have artificial hearts that not only can work in a hospital for a
month, but can make you live another 10 years. Other artificial
organs as well: not just knees, but livers, even musculoskeletal
assist devices.
The
potential is truly tremendous, but we'll achieve that potential
only if we recognize and reward the best features of our health
care systems. And that is where patient-centered care is so
critical. If doctors and patients can't work together and don't
have the flexibility to take advantage of all these new discoveries
that we're supporting through research, if their only options are
an old style of coverage and payments for treatments that are 30
years out-of-date, we are not going to achieve that potential.
So
we're at a critical time in health care policymaking. It's a very
difficult time, with health care costs rising, and it will be very
difficult for us to move forward to make sure that all Americans
are a part of this health care system through mainstream coverage
options that reach everyone.
We
are at a crossroads. The President's view is that we need to
reinforce and strengthen the best features of our health care
system. Private-sector delivery; patients and doctors working
together to choose the options that are best for them: we hope
that's where our system will go. I hope you all will help us think
through these difficult issues and work with us in the years ahead
so that the next 40 years can be even more dramatic than the past
40 years.
QUESTIONS AND ANSWERS
QUESTION: I have two questions. One:
What mechanism regarding the tax credits will prevent current
small-business companies from dropping their current coverage and
go ahead and get this tax credit?
The second question is: For small
businesses who currently bear the burden, those that are offering
health care, what incentives will be there for them to continue to
do that? They are both related.
DR.
McCLELLAN: Those are related questions, and I think the
concern about employers dropping coverage when a health insurance
credit becomes available stems from the view that if you make the
alternative so much cheaper, there are going to be some people who
want to cross over and go to the alternative rather than continue
employer coverage.
Some would say, "Well, if that's the case,
what you ought to do is keep these costs up--don't do anything for
these people who don't have good employer options." We think that's
the wrong answer. We think the right answer is to bring down costs
for the small businesses as well.
That's why the President has laid out a
pretty aggressive agenda on assisting small businesses. One
component that will help with that is our health account proposal.
Many small businesses, even more so than large firms, typically
have health plans that require significant out-of-pocket
contributions by their employees.
There is no tax-favored status for those
kinds of purchases. Their workers are paying for them out of their
own pockets, so it's not surprising that many of them decide, "This
coverage isn't such a great deal after all. Maybe I should go
elsewhere or just get no coverage at all." By making coverage in
small firms more affordable through a tax deduction for all or a
significant part of out-of-pocket expenses, health accounts would
help small businesses offer more affordable coverage.
In addition, as I mentioned before, the
President has laid out an idea for association health plans that
would let small businesses pool together to get the same kind of
discounts that large firms get when they purchase health
insurance.
If you look at the kinds of models, the
curve, this employer-dropping phenomenon, a good bit of it occurs
on the small-business side, and that's because the small-business
health insurance premiums, quite frankly, are not that much better
than an individual market policy in many cases. We need to make
those premiums lower. We need to bring down the cost on both sides
to encourage people to stay in their employer plans.
Even so, I want to emphasize--and there
have been some misleading data out there about this--that the
insurance credit that we propose for people who don't have access
to good employer coverage would not lead to any consequential
dropping of coverage by firms. According to estimates by the
nonpartisan staff at the U.S. Treasury, at most, a million or so
people would switch out of employer coverage in conjunction with
this 15 million-person credit: 10 percent to 15 percent of the
take-up at most. The vast majority of the credit would be going to
people who don't have coverage now or who are trying to struggle
along to buy coverage on their own with no assistance from the
government at all.
And that analysis doesn't even take into
account that we would very much like to implement these other
proposals to bring down costs in the small businesses at the same
time, which would get rid of even that small amount of
crowd-out.
So we view this as an overall agenda.
There is no one piece here that is going to solve all the problems.
We've got a multi-factorial health care system, and we need some
multi-factorial direction, some incremental stages, some steps in
the right direction to make each part of this system stronger.
QUESTION: Sir, would you discuss
long-term care for retired, old people?
DR.
McCLELLAN: I'd be happy to discuss long-term care for
seniors. The current system has a vast majority of payments coming
from the public sector in one way or another, either through
Medicaid directly for people who are spent down to Medicaid levels
of coverage, or through Medicare contributions for those people who
are on the way to needing long-term care, or who are getting a
significant amount of long-term care through the Medicare
program.
Medicare is supposed to be focused on
acute care, but a lot of the growth in recent years has been in
home health and skilled nursing services and other things that at
least have a chronic element to them. Only about 15 percent or so
is privately financed, and only a small part of that comes from
private long-term care insurance premiums. We think that's way too
little.
I just went through this process with my
grandmother, where we ended up not staying completely away from the
Medicaid route and did get to hear a little bit about it. It just
is not the kind of choice you'd want to have if and when you need
long-term care services for any length of time.
In keeping with the philosophy that I've
laid out earlier for patient-centered, choice-based care, what we
think is needed is more opportunities and more incentives for
people to purchase private long-term care insurance options, maybe
in conjunction with some reforms in the Medicaid program, to
recognize that there will be savings from Medicaid from fewer
people going into it, and to purchase options that give them more
opportunities to get the kind of care that they want.
The President has proposed a tax deduction
for the cost of long-term care insurance premiums that will make
this kind of approach significantly cheaper for people who are
thinking about whether to save or set aside some resources for
their long-term care needs. The President has also proposed a tax
exemption for people who are getting care in their homes: again, to
recognize that there is some benefit to the government, and
obviously a benefit to the person involved, to be able to stay out
of an institution that's financed by Medicaid.
We need to do a lot more of that, and I
think this is one of the fundamental questions that is coming to a
head with the Medicaid program. Medicaid is not very sustainable in
its current form. Costs are rising rapidly, both on the acute care
side for providing health insurance to low-income persons and
persons with disabilities, and also on the long-term care side.
We need a different solution, and I think
the best approach, once again, is encouraging patient-centered care
through private long-term care insurance options that let people
choose the coverage that's best for them.
QUESTION: As I understand it, in the
trade bill, Mr. Daschle recently said something to the effect that,
in addition to considering subsidizing COBRA benefits, he might be
open to considering some individual tax credit approach. How
optimistic are you that you can get some features of the tax credit
that you proposed into actual legislation so we can at least get
some experience with it?
DR.
McCLELLAN: I'm optimistic. In the seniors debate, we were
doing a lot of discussions, meeting with Members and so forth, and
some of the ideas we were talking about were really new to people
who hadn't had a chance to hear from anyone outside the
Administration that these ideas could work. The thing that
encourages me about the debate now is that there is more attention
being paid to the bottom-line question of what's going to work
best.
Some of the original ideas that were put
forward like COBRA-only coverage, which wouldn't get to a large
share of the workers who really need help and which would impose
more burdens on firms that are already having difficulty staying in
existence, would probably not be the most effective way to go.
Medicaid expansion coverage when Medicaid is having some
fundamental problems just continuing its current responsibilities
for low-income and medically needy populations didn't seem like the
best way to go.
There has been a fresh attempt to put
aside the ideology and the philosophical differences and focus on
what works, more of a willingness to focus on the most effective
way to provide coverage quickly and effectively to the workers. I
think that's the kind of movement beyond ideological differences
and into the question of what works that will really get us to a
good deal for workers as part of trade legislation.
QUESTION: I know that the President's
initiative is quality health care for patients. What are your
thoughts on the nursing shortage? It seems like the quality of care
is really suffering on that front.
DR.
McCLELLAN: There is a lot of frustration right now among
all health professionals about dealing with a system where they
feel like they are losing control. I'm not a nurse, but I talk to a
lot of nurses, and I also talk to a lot of doctors. I can tell you
from personal experience that many of them are not getting out
because of the money; they're getting out because of the
bureaucratic red tape and not being able to spend time with
patients.
You can try some quick fix--with
physicians, boost their payments a little bit, or with nurses, fund
more education programs, for example. Maybe that would help, but it
doesn't really address the fundamental problem, which is
frustration with not being able to deliver patient-centered care.
If we can make the kind of changes that we've talked about in the
health care system to give more control back to patients, working
with doctors and other health care professionals, that will help a
lot.
There are also a number of things that we
can do in the short term. We're entering, if I got the tone of
Chairman Alan Greenspan's remarks correctly, a period of recovery,
but not a very strong recovery. There are a lot of people out of
work; but on the other hand, there are a lot of job openings as
well.
We've been trying to develop some
innovative programs, in some cases in partnership with health care
institutions, to get people the training they need to fill job
openings that are available now. This hasn't worked out all that
well yet for the very highly trained nurses, but for a number of
health profession positions that do require some specialized
training and are experiencing shortages today, we think this is a
very effective approach to getting people back in the right
direction.
But make no mistake: This is going to
continue to be a concern as long as nurses and doctors are feeling
so frustrated about what they have to go through in order to
deliver good care.
QUESTION: Several federal programs
purchase prescription drugs. These would include Medicaid and
Veterans Affairs, Department of Defense, Federal Employees Health
Benefits Program. Are there any lessons learned from those programs
in terms of what to do, and perhaps what not to do, in the purchase
of prescription drugs under Medicare?
DR.
McCLELLAN: I think that the lesson is to do something
different. It is true that if you regulate a drug price, you can
probably get a low drug price, but that doesn't guarantee you good
care either in the short run or the long run.
Price controls alone are not the kind of
innovative coverage that's needed to encourage and help patients
use drugs effectively to prevent diseases before they occur. Taking
one blood pressure medication if you get it early and having a
doctor or health care system that's working with you to help make
sure that you stay compliant with it, as in a disease management
program or prevention program, can end up costing a lot less than
paying for the seven or eight or nine medications that may be
needed after a stroke or a heart attack occurs because a patient
had an untreated risk factor.
That's generally our approach to health
care: not to impose arbitrary price controls, which aren't going to
encourage the development of new and even more valuable treatments
for the future, but to encourage a more effective way of using all
of the available medical resources and treatments that are out
there.
You want more drugs and more innovative
treatments to be developed, and we're not going to get that through
tight price controls. But we need to do more at the same time to
encourage innovative coverage that helps seniors and other people
use these treatments as effectively as possible.
QUESTION: You talk about promoting
private insurance as an option, but one of the fundamental
questions that's still raised, despite the lessening use of HMOs,
is that some insurance policies act as a barrier to quality of care
by limiting what patients can actually get paid for by their
insurance programs. Is the Administration looking at this issue at
all?
DR.
McCLELLAN: I said before that there are some instances
where regulation is needed to make sure that coverage is up to
appropriate standards, and we think a good patients' rights bill
that encourages appropriate benefits and appropriate care, care for
emergency conditions, specialists when necessary, would be
helpful.
However, we don't want to open the door to
unlimited litigation and exacerbate an already extremely burdensome
problem facing our health care system. We hope we can work that
out. Beyond that, I don't want to badmouth HMOs here. I think
health maintenance organizations provide the kind of care that many
people want, and a number of people choose those plans voluntarily
over other alternatives.
A lot of people in Medicare who are in
closed network HMOs are writing us saying, "Please fix the payment
system so that these plans don't go away." They like them because
they have minimal out-of-pocket costs; they have a network of
physicians that they've often grown to know and feel comfortable
with, and it's a much more cost-effective alternative for some
people than other approaches to delivering health care.
That should be an option. I don't think it
should be the only option, and I don't think it should be a
requirement, but I think we should be doing more to keep a broad
range of health care coverage options available so that people can
get the kind of coverage that best meets their needs.
SPEAKER: What role do you see for the
state governors in dealing with the waiver problem, in particular
in states like Tennessee, which has a TennCare program? I know
there are certain problems with TennCare. Do you think there could
be some viable solution?
DR.
McCLELLAN: We're working closely with Tennessee on ways to
keep that program viable. They have had trouble keeping costs down
with a number of the coverage expansions they've tried, and they
are looking at ways to head off having to cap enrollment or
restrict services any more than is necessary, and we're obviously
working closely with them on ways to address these problems.
Medicaid is a program that runs largely by
waiver. Very few states have or are operating programs without any
waivers for how they actually deliver services. Unfortunately, a
waiver process can be difficult, time-consuming, and in some cases
restrictive on what states do. That's especially a problem now when
states are facing increases in Medicaid costs of 10 percent, 12
percent, or more per year in the face of a budget base that is
rising by nowhere near that rate.
We're getting a lot of increasingly urgent
requests from states about the cost of sustaining these programs.
That's why I said I think we're approaching a time where we need to
take a fundamental look at the way the Medicaid program works. It
needs to be there for providing critical health services for
populations that are especially vulnerable.
I think some of the most promising signs
with respect to waivers in recent years have been steps to save
money by integrating private health insurance coverage; for
example, Wisconsin and other states have implemented programs where
the state makes a contribution toward the cost of private health
insurance for its Medicaid or State Children's Health Insurance
Program (SCHIP). Also promising are the steps that states have
taken toward making private health insurance coverage options
available, serving as a purchasing pool for their
beneficiaries.
So I think there are some steps that we
need to look at in deciding where the Medicaid program should be
going from here on out. The problems that states are facing under
the current waiver system and current law are indicative of that,
and I think they are going to get tougher in the months ahead.
SPEAKER: Talk about drugs, because what
we're seeing right now. I think that's a worldwide barrier. I just
want to get your view on drugs.
DR.
McCLELLAN: It is a problem. It's funny how the health care
system is working in not achieving some of the goals that the
President has set out for us.
It seems odd that the people who are
paying the highest prices for drugs are seniors and the uninsured;
but that's the way our health care system is working, because they
have been left out of the kinds of mainstream coverage options that
help people get lower prices. People enrolled in private insurance
plans today have a drug benefit manager that negotiates on their
behalf lower prices from the manufacturers, savings of 10 percent
to 40 percent. That kind of assistance with lower prices is just
not available to too many seniors, so they are going across the
border.
We've looked very carefully at some of the
legislative proposals to permit re-importation, and so far the
conclusion has been--just like the Clinton Administration's
conclusion before us--that there really isn't a way to do this
while guaranteeing safe and effective drugs and to do this on a
large-scale basis. Where drugs can be shipped across the border, we
have no way of tracking where those drugs have been outside this
country or assuring that they are unadulterated products without
spending probably even more money than people would save in getting
lower prices and doing inspections at the border and drug
testing.
But, again, I think the fundamental
problem that we ought to be addressing directly is the high prices
that seniors are paying for drugs. And I think we've laid out some
proposals as part of our Medicare strategy for getting a drug
benefit in Medicare and modernizing the program and giving seniors
access to lower prices that, if enacted now, can provide help in
this regard as soon as next year.
--The Honorable Mark McClellan, a
physician and an economist, delivered this lecture when he was the
Senior Policy Director for Health Care and Related Economic Issues
at the White House and a member of the Council of Economic
Advisers. He has since been confirmed as the Commissioner of the
U.S. Food and Drug Administration.