It is a pleasure to be here with The Heritage
Foundation and with so many conservative heroes from around
America. Let me begin by congratulating Thaddeus Lott. I could have listened to
him speak all day about our children and our responsibility to do a
better job in educating them.
When I
was at the Department of Education under Bill Bennett, we had a
survey done, and we discovered that if you give children homework,
their grades go up. If they actually do the homework themselves
instead of subcontracting it to their parents, the grades go up
even more.
Now,
you might wonder why we had to spend money discovering what an
average guy walking down the streets of Chicago could have told us.
The reason is that the educational blob in Washington--the same
blob that Thaddeus has hit his head up against time and time
again--needed to rediscover the obvious. So we had to spend money
to find what all people with any common sense knew already.
While
Thaddeus was speaking, I couldn't help but think that if I wanted
something to make me jump out of bed in the weeks and months ahead,
it would be this thought: What about Thaddeus Lott as Secretary of
Education? Now there is an exciting thought.
How Is America
Doing?
We all
are conservatives, of course, and we all are committed to the
cause. But I don't think any of us wake up every day and have as
our first thought: What can we do to make the world safe for
conservatism? I do think, however, that we get up in the morning
thinking: How can we make America a better place? How can we ensure
that it is going to be that shining city upon a hill that the
Founding Fathers risked everything for and that Ronald Reagan
continually reminded us of?
So I'd
like to ask you a question: How is America doing? How do we feel
about ourselves? It's 1998; we are 20 months away from the
beginning of a new century. Where are we? Are things going well, or
are things going poorly? For my answer to that question, I find
myself borrowing from the famous line that Charles Dickens used to
begin A Tale of Two Cities: "It is the best of times and
it is the worst of times." That seems to me a perfect description
of America in 1998.
Now,
it is pretty easy to see why it is the best of times. This has been
an incredible century for the United States. It is being called the
American Century, and that is not an exaggeration. We led the Free
World in defeating Nazism. We continued to lead the Free World,
making the sacrifices of money and blood to win the Cold War.
That,
we all know, was essentially a moral struggle. Ronald Reagan knew
to the depth of his bones that it was, at the end of the day, a
moral struggle between two diametrically opposed viewpoints of what
the world would be like; of how governments would treat men; of
what rights men had to live freely. American liberalism had quite a
different view.
I'll
never forget when Jimmy Carter went to the University of Notre Dame
and gave a speech in which he apologized for America's inordinate
fear of communism. A few years later, Ronald Reagan went to Notre
Dame and said that the Soviet Union was the focus of evil in the
modern world. What a contrast between two worldviews. Jimmy Carter
went to Moscow and planted a big, fat, wet kiss on Leonid
Brezhnev's cheek. Ronald Reagan went to Berlin and said: "Mr.
Gorbachev, tear down this wall."
Many
of you probably know that President Reagan had to put that line
back in his speech four different times. A draft of the speech was
routinely circulated around the government for review. The
bureaucrats would get their hands on it--the "nervous Nellies," the
people at the State Department. When the draft came back to the
Oval Office, Reagan would look through it.
Remember, this was the President who wasn't
supposed to know anything about details. Well, he knew enough about
details to notice the line wasn't there. So he'd put a little caret
there and, in his distinctive handwriting, he would write: "Mr.
Gorbachev, tear down this wall." The speech would go back out, and
when it came back--lo and behold--that line was gone again!
President Reagan just kept putting it back in.
This
century will be known as the American Century not just because we
won the Cold War, however; not just because of battlefield
victories; and not just because Ronald Reagan understood that this
was essentially a moral conflict. There is also the triumph of
democratic capitalism, the fact that our system has produced more
jobs for more people than any system in the world. That has made it
the American century. Our technology is second to none. We see
success after success in our medical system, our space program, and
in so many other fields.
And
yet, if you are like me, I suspect there is still something
troubling you. In fact, there is something troubling most of the
American people. With all these successes, with the victory in the
Cold War, the polls show that about one-half of the country thinks
we're headed in the wrong direction.
Not
that things aren't going well for most Americans: Maybe their IBM
stock has gone up, their Keogh plan looks better, their retirement
is going to be a little fatter than it was going to be otherwise.
Their job is doing well; maybe they're making some overtime. But
that's not enough; that's not the only way you define a great
nation. And this is troubling the American people. That is why many
people think this is the worst of times.
People
around America open up their newspapers every day and read the same
stories you and I read. They read a story out of Arkansas about a
couple of little American boys who went into a forest for target
practice--on the kids that they were just sitting with in class the
day before.
George
Will remarked that he didn't think those boys could have shot
puppies like that. One reason is that they don't see puppies
getting shot all day long. But the average American kid between the
ages of 7 and 17 will see 17,000 murders on television in the
course of his life. We read this story and we are moved by it. We
read that the nine-year-old boy could be heard in his cell that
night saying over and over again, "Mommy, Mommy." Yet, a few hours
before, he was out shooting his classmates.
A good
American girl from suburban New Jersey went to the senior dance,
excused herself, went to the ladies room, gave birth, threw her
baby in the trash can, cleaned herself up, and returned to the
dance where she and her boyfriend requested their favorite song so
they could have the last dance of the evening.
You
sit there and you wonder how a nice suburban girl in New Jersey
learned that she could treat her own flesh and blood like it was a
Styrofoam cup? What was the poisoned air she breathed that taught
her that that was okay?
Just a
couple of days ago, there was a big truck accident during rush hour
on I-395, near Washington, D.C. A woman was lying, critically
injured, in one of the lanes on this very busy highway. What did
people do? Did anyone stop? No, they went around the woman, up onto
the shoulder of the road. After a few minutes of this, during which
the woman barely escaped being hit again, an Army major came along,
got out of his car, and stood next to the woman to protect her
until help could arrive.
What
did the drivers do now? They made obscene gestures and shook their
fists at this man because he was slowing them down even more. This
led The Washington Post, which tends on its editorial
pages to have a hard time noticing a moral issue, to see in this
incident evidence of a moral crisis in America. The Post
editorialized that maybe the people talking about this moral crisis
have got something here.
Failure to Defend
America
It is
pretty remarkable when even the Post understands that allowing
somebody to lie defenseless in the road has a moral component to
it. And I would like to suggest to you this afternoon that that is
exactly what we have done with America's defense. In our moral
failure to defend America from missile attack, we have allowed
American families to be as defenseless as that woman lying on I-395
at the mercy of the cars going by, as defenseless as that baby
tossed into the trash can, as defenseless as those children shot in
Arkansas.
Back
in 1979, Ronald Reagan went to the headquarters of the North
American Aerospace Defense Command (NORAD) in Colorado Springs. He
wanted to brief himself on issues that he knew would come up in the
presidential campaign.
His
conversation with the head of NORAD went something like this: "Now
walk me through this. What exactly will you guys do if the warning
system here ever tells you that an ICBM is headed toward the United
States?" The commander looked at Reagan and replied, "Well, I'll
get on the phone to the mayor of the city it's headed to and I'll
tell him he's got fifteen minutes to get out of town."
"Of
course, you'll try to warn the governmental officials," said
Reagan, "but what are the other things that will click into action?
I mean, how do we bring the missile down?"
And
this guy shrugged and said, "Well, uhh, Mr. Reagan, we don't have
any way to bring an ICBM down. If an enemy fires that missile at
the United States, and it is technologically a sound missile, and
its guidance system is correct, it will land on its target."
So
Ronald Reagan, who was already passionately committed to the idea
that he needed to liberate Eastern Europe if he ever became
President, now became passionately committed to another idea: that
he would do something to end this morally bankrupt policy that left
our families and our communities naked to the whims of our enemies.
And so, as we all know, Ronald Reagan came up with the Strategic
Defense Initiative. And SDI, along with Ronald Reagan's moral
challenge to the Soviet Union, not only ended the Cold War, it
brought the Soviet Union down.
Now,
what did American liberalism do? You've got to give them credit.
They lost their worldview on the Cold War. They watched Ronald
Reagan triumph. They watched the Soviet Union unravel. So they used
the victory in the Cold War to help lull America back to sleep on
the need for a missile defense system. As a result, SDI has been
put back on the back burner. We know we won't get any action on it
from the President, and we've gotten precious little action from
the Congress of the United States.
The Moral
Imperative
But
the conservative voices, crying in the wilderness in recent years,
have never slackened and have worked heroically to awaken public
opinion about the need for missile defense. The Heritage Foundation
has been one that has taken the lead. So, too, has the Center for
Security Policy. It was Frank Gaffney who first talked to me about
the implications of America's lack of missile defenses and what we
face today from Islamic militants who have been warning in recent
weeks that the United States and its allies must be taken out in
any way possible.
The
evidence is overwhelming that the threats to American lives and the
lives of our friends are anything but remote. They are recent and
they are real, whether in the basement of the World Trade Center,
in the driveway of the Central Intelligence Agency, or from a
ballistic missile that could be fired by one of our enemies or
terrorists against the United States.
The
major obstacle that stands in the way of our deploying an effective
missile defense system is the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty,
which was signed in 1972 with the now-defunct Soviet Union. In my
view, the treaty ought to be declared null and void. It was made
with an entity that no longer exists, and it now handcuffs us from
defending the people and the families of the United States.
Those
who reflexively defend the ABM Treaty know that if Americans ever
understand what is going on, they will be outraged. So our
opponents try to convince the American people that the technology
to do anything about this problem doesn't exist, or that it is so
costly that we can't afford to do it. Both of those assertions are
lies. The truth is that there has been major progress in this area.
The technology is there.
Right
now, as we meet in the heartland of America, a thousand miles from
any ocean, our Navy is on remote assignment around the world very
close to the kind of threats that I am talking about. Our ships on
the high seas enjoy a high level of protection from cruise
missiles, bombers, and other offensive weapons because of something
called the Aegis system.
The
technology from that Aegis system can be used to accomplish our
goal of defending American families. In fact, a blue ribbon panel
assembled by The Heritage Foundation concluded that virtually all
of the necessary infrastructure for a robust global missile defense
has already been developed and could be deployed at a cost of
several billion dollars.
It
seems to me that this is not only a defense imperative; this is a
moral imperative. Our movement, and the politicians who claim to
speak for our movement, must find the courage to go to the American
people, explain it to them, and count on their common sense to know
what we ought to do. I intend to do everything I can to make that
happen.
Over
the years I have been associated with a number of domestic moral
issues: the sanctity of human life, the defense of the American
family. Of course, I will continue to work on those issues. But the
main reason I came here at Heritage's invitation was to tell you
that in the months ahead I will do everything I can to arouse the
pro-family and pro-life movement around America to see this as a
pro-family and a pro-life issue.
Yes,
we want to save one and a half million babies a year, but we also
have a moral imperative to make sure that we don't wake up some
morning to find that the most horrible catastrophe imaginable has
taken place: that a missile has fallen on a defenseless American
city.
If
that day ever comes, my friends, the American people will demand to
know who was responsible for neglecting America's defenses and
allowing that tragedy to occur. This is a fight worth fighting;
this is a fight worth expending our political capital on; and I
will do everything I can to work with you to make sure that we do
the moral thing on this issue.
The Reagan
Vision
Let me
close by reminding you of something that I know you don't need any
reminder about. As we meet here this afternoon in Chicago, there is
a man in California who is in the twilight of his years. He has
forgotten a lot of things because of the ravages of disease.
We
must never forget what Ronald Reagan taught us about speaking to
the hearts of the American people.
For
those of us who are Republicans, we must never forget what he
taught the party of Lincoln about its obligations to the American
Experiment, about who we are and what the purposes of our liberty
are.
We
must never forget what Ronald Reagan taught us about talking to the
American people about their families and about their futures.
And we
must never forget why Ronald Reagan constantly reminded us that
this place was not just another name on the roll call of nations.
This place was supposed to be different.
And so
I ask you to rededicate yourself to the idea that we are Ronald
Reagan's heirs and that we must be committed to making sure that in
every battle our final goal is that America--not just this year,
but ten years and 50 years and 100 years from now--will still be
seen by the world as that shining city on a hill.
--Gary Bauer, President of the Family
Research Council, spoke on April 24, 1998, at the 21st Annual
Heritage Foundation Resource Bank Meeting in Oak Brook,
Illinois.