(Archived document, may contain errors)
88 1 February 13,1992 ECONOMIC REF'ORM, NOT LOAN GUARANTEES
ISRAEL'S ONLY PATH TO PROSPERKY INTRODUCTION Last Friday, Israeli
Ambassador to the United States Zalman Shoval met with Secretary of
State James Baker to press Israel's request for quick approval of a
U.S. guarantee for $10 billion in loans to Israel. Two weeks ago,
Shoval is believed to have discussed the matter in a private
session with Vice hsident Dan Quayle. Israel claims to need $2
billion a year in loans for each ofthe next five years to help
absorb an estimated one million Jewish immigrants expected to
arrive from t he former Soviet Union by 19
95. If the Israeli government is unable to pay back these loans,
then the American and fmign banks that make them will call upon the
U.S. to make good on its guarantees.
On extremely persuasive economic grounds, Is&l would be
unwise to take the loan guarantees and become Mer dependent on
massive foreign economic assis tance. And it would be unwise for
America to grant the guarantees-unless they are tied to fm and
measurable commitments by Israel to accelerate dramatically its
long-promised but slow-moving reform of its economy by cutting its
budget reducing and reforming taxes, privatizing government-owned
companies, and deregulating extensively the private sectair.
Wrong Reason. The loan guarantee issue thus should be clear cut.
It is not.
Analysis of it has been muddied badly by actions of the Bush
Administration.
Baker and George Bush so far balk at the guarantees.The trouble
is they do so for a very wrong reason: to force Israel to make
concessions in the current round of Mddle East peace talks. The
Administration claims that it is using the loan guarantee matter to
farce Israel to stop building settlements in 'the occupied ter
ritories. What seems more likely is that the threat to deny the
guarantees is part of the Bush A dministrations efforts to tilt
American policy unpnxedentedly against Israel.
Purely Economic Matter. The Bush-Baker policy thus ties the
guarantees to the peace process. This prevents the issue from being
considered on its own economic merits. It may well be impossible,
in fact, today to untangle Israels re quest for $10 billion in U.S.
guarantees from the Arab-Israeli talks. It is wrong far the U.S. to
impose political and security conditions on the granting of the
guaran tees; it is unwise for Israel to accept such conditions. If
the guarantee issue is inex tricably entwined with the pace talks,
then Israel should withdraw its request and resubmit it when it
cannot be used against Israel in the peace process.
That the loan guarantee is an economic matter in fact, is
stressed repeatedly by Israeli and American Jewish community
leaders. However, it is Israels economic ills that make a $10
billion loan guarantee unwise for either Israel or America. Such
funds only will allow Israel to continue the budget an d economic
policies that in the past couple of decades have virtually
stagnated what once was an economic miracle. Such policies in the
long run, mareover, will make Israel even less economically able to
absorb ma immigrants. Rather than addicting Is rael f urther to
debt, America should help Israel convert to a free market system 1
2 NO CLEAR CASE FQW LOANS The Israeli government claims that the
$10 billion in loans to be guaranteed by the U.S. are needed as
part of the estimated $70 billion cost of absorbi n g the ex pected
one million immigrants. Israel plans to cover part of this cost
with its own funds, part through contributions from Europe, and the
rest through borrowing. Is rael claims that over 80 percent of the
$10 billion that is to be backed by the U.S will be used for
housing, with the rest going for roads, sewers, water systems, and
other infrastructure. Some of the funds also are to go to
commercial banks to finance business investments.
Israel, however, has not made a convincing case that it needs so
much money or that it has any even semi-solid plans for using the
money. American policy makers (and Heritage Foundation staffm)
Epeatedly have pressed Israel, without success, for mm detail s of
when the $10 billion figure has come from. They have asked how the
funds exactly will be spent, how many housing units are to be built
and where? The answers repeatedly are vague. Observes a Wall Street
expert veay familar with the Ismli economy: Its a soft number 1
SeeJamesA.Phillips,Maintaining a B~!auced U.S. policy on Middle
Bast Peace, Heritage Foundation ExecutivC Memorundm No. 318,
January 13,1992 2 See Foreign Broadcast InformaIion Service Near
East and Soiith East Asia (FBIS-NI3) teportp on Se p tember 9 1991
21 September 13,1991 (p. 15 october4,1991 (p. 22 and New Earr
Report on October 7,1991 172 2 In fact, accarding to a top Iskli
official, no list of specific purchases was com piled to deternine
the amount of fareign borrowing required. Rathe r , the Israeli
government used some economic formula based on assumptions
concerning how much capital may be needed to absorb the immigrants.
Perhaps this formula is valid Yet the Israelis have not released
it. Were it made public, American policy makers w ould at least be
better able to judge the merits of Israel's loan request.
On the face of it, moreover, it seems strange that foreign
borrowing is required for housing. After all, the new.immigrants
will provide plenty of labor, while building materials ar e readily
available in Israel. Imports requiring foreign curren cy BF~ not
needed for this.
Disturbing Quaion& To be sure, Israel would welcome an extra
$10 billion in hard currency. What country would not? But without
substantial economic reforms, the hu ge new loans will be
squandered by wasteful government spending habits and economic
policies that discourage job creation and hinder economic growth.
While Israel's budget is not available in English for study by
American policy makers being asked to appr o ve loan guarantees,
what facts are hown raise disturbing questions about Israel's need
for fareign assistance. Last August, for example, the Israeli
government announced it would hire 15,000 new government employees.
Another 880 government jobs are being created for
archaeologists.
This means, apparently, that the Israeli government pfen to
spend money on make-work jobs rather than on housing for immigrants
acknowledged last month Speaking about his country's budget,
Israeli Finance Minister Yitzhak Moda'i Every year it is more and
more wild. This year the Knesset parliament] will pencil in money
that simply isn't there. The Fiance Minister will then have to go
dour-to-door, to try to raise the money from the U.S. and from
diaspora Jewry. Then you will say , and rightly so, that the
government is inconsistent in its economic policy. 3 Recent history
teaches that extending loan guarantees simply will allow Israel to
delay economic =form. In the 19809, the International Monetary Fund
and World Bank loaned bill i ons of dollars to debt-ridden
Argentina, Brazil, Mexico and other developing countries. This was
wasted on money-losing state industries and bloated government
payrolls. Only when no more large handouts were avail able were
reformers in these countries ab l e to push through the free market
policies that have begun fueling prosperity and raising living
standards 3 hw Anarchic Distorts Israe4.s Budget Finuncial Times,
January 2,1992, p. 3 3 PHANTOM ECONOMIC' REFORMS Despite some very
halting steps toward priv a tization, [the government] still
controls the impart of many staples. It sanctions dozens of
monopolies Government denies free or easy access to the market and
ties the hands of producers with onerous labor laws. It imposes on
labor and employers punitive taxes that de troy their
competitiveness and nip in the bud new enterprises. t If housing is
needed for immigrants, meanwhile, the Israeli government seems
hardly the best agent to provide it. Last year, to accommodate the
first wave of im migrants, the g o vernment built housing far from
where the jobs were. Most im migrants refused to move into the new
buildings, preferring to crowd into urban housing, often with
several families in each apartment. They wanted to be close to
work. That this project was a f ailure is conceded privately by
Israeli officials who admit further that the projects that will be
financed or encouraged by the new money will be planned and
executed by the same bureaucrats responsible for the earlier
failures.
Though Israeli officials b oast that their country never has
missed a debt payment the only way it pays its cmnt debts to the
U.S. is from the $1.2 billion of Economic Support Fund money
received annually from the U.S U.S. military aid to Israel,
depending on how it is calculated, i s another $1.8 billion to $2.8
bil lion annually Using fareign aid to pay off loans does not
impress economists Poor Credit Risk. Without major economic reform,
Israel is a poor credit risk 1 who, when determining a country's
credit-worthiness, typically l ook not at a 4 Daniel Doron Israel's
Economic CWnge: How the U.S. Can Help Heritage Lecture No. 350,
Sepkmber 5 See Jim McGee US. credit Analysts Fault Israel on
Economic Reforms Washingron Post, October 3,1991 20,1991, p. 3 p.
Al 4 countrys past debt-pay ment Tecord but at its-future potential
for servicing its debt.
Here Israel scares very low. Standard and Poors Corporation, for
example, cur rently gives Israel a BBB- credit rating for long-term
government bonds not back ed by the U.S. This is Standard a nd
Poors lowest rating for investment grade bonds is the reluctance of
banks to lend Israel money without a U.S. guarantee. These banks
axe saying something to which Israel should listen. Some Israeli
officials deny this and insist that their problem is n ot obtaining
bank loans. The problem they say, is the high interest rates for
the loans. According to these officials, inter national banks will
reduce interest rates if the U.S. guarantees the loan.
If lower inmst rates thus a~ the main reason for Israel seeking
the loan guarantee, there is an easier solution than the
guarantee-if Israel, of course makes the convincing case for new
massive loans. Washington could consider giving an annual grant to
Israel for the difference between the higher commercial ra t e that
Israel would pay without the guarantee and the lower rate that
Israel could have obtained with a guarantee. The advantage of this
is that America would not be a guarantor of or co-partner with the
Israeli economy. If Israel then defaulted on its lo an, it would be
a matter between Israel and the banks.
What would be avoided would be the enonnous political damage to
Israels reputation in America were Israel to default on guaranteed
loans. This kind of default surely would trigger a parade of
American and foreign banks coming to the U.S. Treasury to collect
the billions owed to them by Israel. Owing money directly to
foreign banks, without the shield of a U.S. guarantee, mareover,
could impose enough discipline on Israeli leaders to prompt
economic ref orm Message from Banks..The;best indicator of Israels
ability to repay, of course NO FREE GUARANTEES The American
taxpayer should be wary of granting guarantees of any kind.
Proponents of such guarantees typically glibly assm skeptics
that they cost noth i ng. At one time, perhaps, this may have
seemed plausible. But in the past decade Americans to their horror
have learned that loan guarantees come back to bite6 In 1990 alone,
defaults by middle class American college graduates on loans under
written by th e U.S. government cost theTreasury $2.5 billion.
Guaranteed ac counts in Savings and Loans will cost the taxpayers
hundreds of billions of dol lars. And countries that long had had
perfect credit histories, in the past decade walked away from their
debts, leaving Western banks and countries holding the bag 6 See
Ronald Utt, Ph.D The Six Mion Dollar Debt Iceberg: A Review of the
Governments Risk Exposure.
Heritage Backgrouder No. 774, June 28,1990.
America thus painfully has learnedthat "guarantees" are not
cost-free or risk free. If Israel needs money to meet real
humanitarian needs, let it ask for an out right humanitarian grant.
America seldom has refused such genuine requests.
Guaranteeing loans likely will create future debt problems.
That Israel desp erately needs economic reform is recognized by
many Israelis who propose bold plans to follow the path of
Argentina, Mexico, and other developing countries that have begun
growing rapidly after adopting free market policies. And the
Israeli government in r ecent years also has recognized the need
for economic reform, unveiling one reform after another. Yet
Israeli officials admit that while some propss has been made, the
reforms have remained mainly words. Last October's overview of the
Israeli economy by t h e Bank of Israel and the Ministries of
Finance and of Economics and Planning, states Although the
government has acted in the right direction, it has not yet
succeeded in carrying out all the reforms on which it has Mded...p
articdarly as regards the priv a tization of government
corporations. A more =solute implementation of these reforms might
have facilitated faster sustainable growth and more employment. 7
Israel will have little incentive to abandon its failed economic
policies if the U.S. continues to b ail it out CONCLUSION The
weight of the economic evidence argues strongly that Washington
should refuse Israel's request for loan guarantees. To refuse in
the current geopolitical climate, however, in the midst of the
peace talks, would appear to punish I srael unfairly. Yet, to
accede to the request, in its cmnt form, also would be unfair to
Israel and to American taxpayers.
Thus what now would be best far Israel and America would be for
Israel to withdraw its request for loan guarantees. Far one thing,
withdrawing the request would remove pressure from Israel to
compromise its negotiating positions in its talks with the Arab s
and would deny Bush and Baker a lever to press Israel on the
settlements in the occupied territories. Israel should not allow
its critics to hold it hostage over the loans.
Time for True Reform. For another thing, withdrawing the loan
guarantee re quest would give Israel the time to develop a tru
reform plan which would reduce or even eliminate the need for
assistance. Finance Minister Moda'i, in fact, has implied that he
recognizes the value of a push from America. Last 8 7 Bank of
Israel, Ministry of F i nance and Ministry of Economics and
Planning National Budget for 1992-1994 8 See Stanley Fischer and
Herbert Skin Overhaul the Irsraeli Economy New YorkTims, October
12,1991 October, 1991, p. 3 p. A29 6 December l2, he-toldhe
Jerusalem -Kol-Israel radio: T here-may -be economic linkages, but
I welcome these because, if the guarantees 8~e accompanied by con
ditions for refoms in the Israeli economy, I also believe that
reforms are needed We will make the reforms with0 t them being
conditional. That is why su ch con ditions will not bother me at
all.
One Condition. When the time comes that the issue of U.S. loan
guarantees to Israel can be decided on its economic merits, the
U.S. should give it sympathetic consideration. The U.S. should
impose only one conditio n: that Israel make the economic reforms
needed to enable Israel to pay back the loans. If Israel refuses to
make such reforms, no amount of foreign loans or guarantees will
help Israel for long b Edward L. Hudgins, Ph.D.
Director, Center for Internationa l Economic Growth and The
Walker Senior Policy Analyst in Economics Joel C. Rosenberg
Assistant to the Director of Research contributed to this study 9
Jerusalem Ko1 Israel Radio in Hebrew, translated in IBIS-NE,
Decembez 13,1991, p. 4445 7 For Further -I nformation Bank of
Israel, Israeli Minisay of Finance, Israeli Ministry of Economics
and Planning, Na tional Budget for 1992-1994, October 1991.
Note: This publication in English is a government analysis of
recent Israeli economic performance, current policy and future
trends. The actual 1992 budget for the State of Israel is not
available-in English.
Michael Bruno, One Million Immigrants: An Absorption Program,
Bank of Israel, April 1991.
Michael Bruno, Israels Crisis and Economic Reform: A Historical
Pe rspective, Working George Bush, Address to the Knesset, The
Reagan Administration and Israel (Toby Der Paper No. 3075, National
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May/June 1990 9