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1031 March 31, 1995 LIBERAL WELFA RE PROGRAMS WHATTHE DATA SHOW
ON PROGRAMS FOR TEENAGE MOTHERS INTRODUCTION Congress is engaged in
a fierce debate over welfare reform. While some congres sional
leaders have proposed radical reforms, others seem determined to
protect the cen tral features of the current system. Todays
approach is to provide federally designed benefits complemented by
job training, education, family planning and other programs
intended to encourage enrollees voluntarily to leave the welfare
system Five major federal studies show clearly that this
conventional liberal view of welfare simply does not work. Job
training, educational supplemental training, and family plan ning
programs focused on teenage unwed mothers have failed to reduce
dependency. The five federal demonstrat i on projects evaluated in
the government-sponsored reports are New Chance (an interim
report), Teenage Parent Demonstration, Even Start, the Compre
hensive Child Development Program (CCDP and the National Job
Training and Partner ship Act Study 1 Robert Gr a nger, Manpower
Demonstration Research Corporation, New Chance: Interim Findings on
a Comprehensive Program For Disadvantaged Young Mothers and their
Children, paper presented at American Enterprise Institute Seminar
on Persistent Poverty, Washington, D.C J une 9, 1994; Rebecca
Maynard, Mathematica Policy Research Inc Welfare Reform and Young
Unwed Mothers: Lessons from the Federal Welfare Reform
Demonstration, paper on the Federal Teenage Parent Demonstration
presented at AEI Seminar on Persistent Poverty, W ashington, DlC
June 9,1994; Jean Layzer, Abt Associates, Even Start and the
Comprehensive Child Development Program, paper presented at AEI
Seminar on Persistent Poverty, Washington, D.C June 9, 1994; The
National JFTA Study Overview: Title 11-A Impacts o n Earnings and
Employment at 18 Months (Bethesda, MD: Abt Associates Inc., January
1993).
Despite the availability of these results, welfare reform
packages such as those pro posed by President Clinton and other
leading Democrats continue to rely on such p ro grams as the best
way to help poor teenage mothers 2 These studies show that d
Government job training programs do not work for young unmarried
moth ers. Nor do they work for teenage men-indeed, some young men
may do even worse after job training d Gov e rnment literacy
training programs do not work for young unmarried mothers d
Government family planning programs do not work for young unmarried
mothers d Young unmarried teenage mothers who do not get the
benefits of these programs do as well as, and some times a little
better than, those who do get them.
President Clintons welfare reform proposal would focus resources
on young single mothers? These mothers would be given access to
more extensive job training and edu cation, as well as child care
programs, for up to a year after leaving welfare. But the evi dence
indicates that the strategy of concentrating services and benefits
on welfare recipi ents to move them off welfare is largely
ineffective. As The Washington Post observed with frustration,
commenti n g on a General Accounting Office (GAO) study of job
train ing for welfare recipients, Almost every new report issued on
the problems facing wel fare recipients tells a story that few want
to hear right now: that moving long-term wel fare recipients into j
o bs is hard, complicated and ~ostly of these expensive programs.
It is clearly time for Members of Congress to try a funda mentally
different approach The recent studies of traditional liberal
welfare programs underscore the dismal results THE PROGRAM: NEW
CHANCE signed them randomly to experimental and control groups for
the duration of the experi ments. On average, they were 19 years
old and had their first baby at age
17. Fewer than one in ten were married. Most had some work
experience, but most also h ad not been working for the 12
monthsprior to taking part in the program. One-third had two or
more children New Chance recruited over 2,000 diverse, highly
disadvantaged young mothers and as 2 3 4 For a description of the
Clinton welfare reform bill, see Robert Rector, How Clintons Bill
Extends Welfare As We Know It, Heritage Foundation Issue Bulletin
No. 200, August 1, 1994.
Reuter, Clinton proposal caps cash, offers education, job
training and child care, Rocky Mountain News, June 15,1994.
Editorial, T he Good and the Bad of Jobs, The Washington fosr,
December 21, 1994 2 The program consisted of regular GED classes,
career exploration, and instruction in job skills, health issues
and famil planning. It lasted up to 18 months, with 25 hours to 30
hours o f instruction per week power Demonstration Research
Corporation. The final report is expected later this year sy An
interim analysis of the program was conducted for the federal
government by Man THE RESULTS The New Chance interim evaluation
suggests that i ntensive, two-year job training makes no
significant difference in the employment chances of young,
unmarried teen age welfare mothers. Significantly, during the
18-month follow-up period after the in terventions had taken place,
those who did not receive the training had reading scores similar
to the scores of those who did. They also worked more and earned
more. At any point in time during the evaluations, over 80 percent
of the women in each of the research groups were on welfare during
the 18 months of follow-up.
Furthermore, the program had no effect on marriage rates, on
reducing repeat out of-wedlock births, or on drug and alcohol
consumption during the 18-month follow up period.
As Robert Granger, Senior Vice President of Manpower
Demonstration Research Corporation, says: These data send a strong
cautionary note about the efficacy of starting welfare reform with
young mothers THE PROGRAM: TEENAGE PARENT DEMONSTRATION This
demonst r ation was a large field test of the JOBS program
provision of the Family Support Act of 1988, the last major
congressional effort to end welfare as we know it through mandatory
intensive job training and services. The demonstration was
conducted in Camden and Newark, New Jersey, and Chicago, Illinois,
during the late 1980s by the U.S. Department of Health and Human
Services. Six thousand teenage first-time mothers average age 18.4
years) participated.
As the program evaluators explain Half of these teenage rs were
randomly selected to participate in the new welfare regime
requiring them to engage in approved self-sufficiency oriented
activities or risk a reduction in their welfare grants of about 160
a month. The other half acted as the control group. These young
mothers were provided with a fairly rich bundle of support and
services to facilitate and promote their compliance with these
requirements. The program consisted of providing supplemental
general education, job training employment services, child ca re
and transportation assistance, personal skills training, job skill
training and mandatory family planning classes.
About 90% of the eligible young mothers participated in the
JOBS-type 5 This voluntary program came in two phases. Phase I had
an 88 perce nt participation rate focused on education (GED or ABE
based on skill level); career exploration; and instruction in
preemployment skills, health education, life skills, and family
planning classes. Phase 11, with a 42 percent participation rate,
included skills training, paid or unpaid work experience, and job
placement assistance. Case management, including individual
counseling, was offered throughout 3 programs; the vast majority of
those who did not left welfare relatively soon after being notified
of their obligations to participate An analysis of the program was
conducted for the federal government by Mathernatica Policy
Research Inc THE RESULTS The evaluation of the Teenage Parent
Demonstration program yielded conclusions similar to those reached
in t he analysis of New Chance The net result is that there was no
overall improvement in the economic well-being of these young
mothers It is unrealistic to expect that the majority of teenage
parents will be able to achieve self-sufficiency within two years,
even if offered strong JOBS-type services. Most simply do not have
the basic skills, support systems and experience necessary to hold
jobs paying wages that will move them out of poverty and off
welfare The demonstration and its family planning servi es w e re
not successful in decreasing the likelihood of repeat pregnancies.
8 THE PROGRAM: EVEN START This program was funded by the Department
of Education to improve adult and child literacy and was targeted
at families in poor areas. The government funded ov e r 500 pro
jects under this program in 1994 at a cost of $90 million. To be
eligible, a family had to have a child under the age of eight and
live in a Chapter One school attendance area (a neighborhood with a
high proportion of low-income families). There was no formal time
limit on the service period. The program consisted of adult
education, parenting, and early childhood education classes. In
five cities there was a randomized experiment with measurements
taken at three different points: at the time of entry, nine months
later, and 18 months later.
An analysis of the program was conducted for the federal
government by Abt Associ ates.
THE RESULTS Though there were large differences between the
groups in the attainment of a GED the evaluation concluded t hat
there was No significant difference between the 2 groups [those who
participated in Even Start and those who did not] on a test of func
tional literacy at 9 and 18 months. Furthermore, There were no
differences between the two groups in employment or family income.7
6 7 Maynard, Welfare Reform and Young Unwed Mothers: Lessons from
the Federal Welfare Reform Demonstration pp. 45 and 48.
Layzer, Even Start and the Comprehensive Child Development
Program: Lessons for Welfare Reform, p. 75 4 THE PROGRAM TH E
COMPREHENSIVE CHILD DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM (CCDP CCDP is a
comprehensive services program run by the Department of Health and
Hu man Services for families below the poverty line with a mean
family income of $5,707 The taxpayer pays $8,000 per family, per y
e ar for this program, which lasts five years per family and
includes adult education, parenting and early childhood education,
hous ing assistance, and counseling. A randomized experiment was
conducted at 2 1 sites around the. country. About two-thirds of the
experiment* households were single-parent families. Of these
families 50 percent had their first child in their teens and 25
percent were teenage mothers ates.
An analysis of the program was conducted for the federal
government by Abt Associ THE RESULT S The interim report on the
Comprehensive Child Development Program concluded that after two
years in the program there were no significant differences between
the experimental and control groups in GED attainment, income, or
employment. 8 THE PROGRAM THE NATIONAL JOB TRAINING PARTNERSHIP ACT
STUDY (NJTPA This study examined the effectiveness of the Job
Training Partnership Act of 1982 by measuring the impact of job
training on two groups: adults (22 years of age and over and youths
(16-2 1 years of age). Over 20,000 applicants for job training in
16 different areas of the country participated in the study. The
experimental group received classroom training in occupational
skills, basic education, and job search assistance.
The study was conducted for the f ederal government by Abt
Associates THE RESULTS The [JPTA] programs failed to raise the
average earnings of out-of-school youths in general. Remarkably,
young women worked even fewer hours after training than before,
leading to a decrease in income. The p r ogram had a large (7.9
NEGA TIVE effect on the earnings of young males and NO effect on
their employment 8 Ibid 9 The JFTA programs reduced the average
earnings of male out-of-school youths who reported having been
arrested between their sixteenth birthda y and random assignment 5
IMPLICATIONS FOR WELFARE REFORM All the program evaluations
summarized above were conducted by organizations with a national
reputation for their analytical work lo All reached similar
conclusions which conflict directly with the l iberal welfare
reform agenda. On all the major issues within the welfare
debate-work, marriage, out-of-wedlock births, and drug and alcohol
con sumption-well-designed, liberal reform experiments had no
positive impact on young teenagemothers.'None of the t raditional
liberal policies .on job training, educational sup plements, or
family planning made any significant difference in the educational
or em ployment futures of teenage welfare mothers than others. The
problem is not that they are badly managed, bu t that they do not
work.
And yet, the Clinton Administration's welfare proposals would
expand these types of The experts concluded that the programs were
well-run, although some were run better I programs WHY THE PROGRAMS
DO NOT WORK The repeated failure o f these programs for the
young-parent welfare population is the result of a misdiagnosis of
the problem. The underlying issue is not jobs or education for
teenage mothers, but a much more profound dis turbance in the
natural process of growing up deciding about having ba bies,
starting families and the relationships be tween the fathers and
mothers of the children.
The crucial factors are not economics and job training, but love
and family, the fact of be longing, and the capacity for work l2
Teenage AFDC Participation is Up 350 i of Participants I986 I987
I988 I989 1990 1991 I992 No matter how com plex, sophisticated, or
costly, all conventional government interventions fail to affect
these fundamental human tasks of intimacy and love, of family and
frien d ship 10 Manpower Demonstration Research Corporation,
Mathematica Policy Research Inc and Abt Associates 11 While not all
the studies were targeted solely at teenage mothers. all reported
on this group, and the findings all point in the same direction for
t his group 12 See Patrick F. Fagan, "Rising Illegitimacy:
America's Social Catastrophe Heritage Foundation F. Y.I. No. 19,
June 29 1994, and Patrick F. Fagan The Real Root Causes of Violent
Crime: The Breakdown in Marriage, Family, and Community," Heritage
Foundation Buckgrounder No. 1026, March 17, 1995 6 Teenage
Birthrate Tripled in Past 30 Years Birthrate per I ,ooO Unmarried
Women IS- I9 Teenage mothers seem to follow a rather clear pat
tern. They use the welfare system when it helps them attain their g
oal of starting their families and ignore it when it does not help
them.
Welfare policy for the last thirty years, however, has sought to
provide extra services in an attempt to persuade mothers to change
these goals. These services range from the distribu tion of
contraceptives, to school based clinics, to family planning
education, and now to intensive job and literacy training combined
with child care. All have failed to change the goals of this
population Source NCHS data Anwd Vial Stniaicr kpuu Vd. I N a
tality. NCHYCDC/RIYDHHS Unfortunately, those who support the
welfare system and those who believe that the core of reform should
be more transition services seem determined to ignore the find ings
of government-sponsored evaluations of these service-inten s ive
programs. Indeed, if previous experience is any guide, one of
them-the Clinton welfare proposal-will cost billions of new dollars
yet make little or no difference in the employment, earnings, or
family structure of the current welfare population the w e lfare
recipient, in a sense, to have it all by having a child out of
wedlock and then joining the workforce with the expectation of
reasonable earnings. But this ap proach is wholly unrealistic.
Instead, it is time for society-all communities, families pa r
ents, teachers, media opinion molders, and adults-to impart to
teenagers the most ba sic of messages on sex, babies, and work and
for government programs to reinforce these messages First: If a
girl wants a family, she starts by marrying a man, not by hav i ng
a baby. Her first and her familys first and most important task is
to select a husband who will commit himself, for life, to her and
to their children Second: Young would-be parents must be
psychologically and emotionally ready to agree together to emb a rk
on the great, difficult, and potentially most rewarding work of
their lives: raising their children to be competent, compassionate,
responsible adults. One of the marks of that maturity is that the
married couple agree together to bring their first chi l d into the
world. The first step in such an agreement is getting married: a
deeply private act that is also a very public and social act of
commitment that demonstrates the acceptance of responsibility to
spouse and children themselves and the children th e y bring into
the world without relying on the finan cial support of others for
the basics of life. As President Clinton has said, Children The
failed federal policies of the War on Poverty focus on providing
services to enable Third: Young would-be parent s must be
economically productive enough to support 7 should not be born
until parents are married and fully capable of taking care of them
CONCLUSION If the adults,who are responsible for the education and
formation of children, clearly send these message s , there is some
chance teenagers may follow their advice. The current welfare
system and its defenders, however, in accordance with the general
tenor of a per missive culture, have sent precisely the opposite
message on marriage, sex, and the childs criti c al need for
married parents. Only when all institutions in society, including
government, send the proper messages will there be any dramatic
change in the behavior of teenagers. To the extent that these
positive messages are not sent, the problem will co n tinue to lie
not with poor teenagers, but with the cultural leadership of
society at large, as well as with the nations political
leadership.
Patrick F. Fagan Senior Policy Analyst c 13 White House
Briefing: Welfare Reform Address by President Clinton, Federal
Information Systems Corporation, June 14 1994 8