A balanced federal budget and projections of a $1.6
trillion surplus over the next ten years have encouraged many
Washington policymakers to find more and more ways to pour tax
dollars into new and bigger government programs. Consider the
following:
-
Between fiscal year (FY) 1997 and FY
1998, federal domestic discretionary spending adjusted for
inflation will increase $3.3 billion to reach $228.3 billion.
President Clinton wants an additional $6 billion to reach a record
$234.3 billion in federal spending in FY 1999.
-
FY 1998 discretionary spending for the
Departments of Labor, Health and Human Services, Education, and
related agencies (Labor-HHS-Education) is expected to reach $80.4
billion. The President requests an additional $1.5 billion in FY
1999 to increase spending to $81.9 billion.
Dozens of reports by such government
watchdogs as the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) and various
agency inspectors general, however, demonstrate that many federal
programs are not working. In addition, Congress now has in hand
agencies' five-year strategic plans and FY 1999 annual performance
plans, as required by the Government Performance and Results Act
(Results Act) of 1993. These plans reinforce the concerns of many
Americans that federal agencies are plagued by serious
problems.
Fortunately, the House of Representatives
has become far less willing to continue to feed the appetite of an
ineffective, bloated federal bureaucracy. The House Appropriations
Committee has taken a bold first step by reporting an FY 1999
Labor-HHS-Education appropriations bill that begins to hold
agencies accountable for poor performance, eliminates programs that
are wasteful or no longer needed, and demands results from those
that continue. It would either terminate or reduce funding levels
and reform many of the following programs because of their poor
track records:
|
House Appropriations
Committee-Recommended Programs
That Should Be Terminated, Reformed or Granted No Signficant
Increase
|
|
Fiscal Year
1998 |
Fiscal Year
1999 |
| Summer Youth Employment and Training |
$871 million |
$0 |
| School-to-Work |
$400 million |
$150 million |
| Low-Income Home Energy Assistance |
$1 billion |
$0 |
| Head Start |
$4.4 billion |
$4.5 billion |
| Goals 2000 |
$491 million |
$246 million |
| Eisenhower Professional Development |
$335 million |
$285 million |
| Federal Regional Education Laboratories |
$56 million |
$56 million |
| Occupational Safety and Health Administration
(OSHA) enforcement and compliance strategy and health and safety
standards |
$286.1 million |
$286.2 million |
| National Labor Relations Board (NLRB)
jurisdictional thresholds |
$175 million |
$175 million |
| Bilingual Education |
$354 million |
$354 million |
|
PROGRAMS THAT SHOULD BE TERMINATED OR GRANTED REDUCED FUNDING
Summer Youth Employment and Training
Program

The Summer Youth Employment and Training Program, funded under
Title II-B of the Job Training Partnership Act (JTPA), provides
jobs and training during the summer months for economically
disadvantaged youth aged 14-21. For FY 1998, the Department of
Labor is obligating $871 million to the states through block
grants.
As
the GAO points out, however, there already are 19 federal programs
that focus directly on youth training and employment. Together, these
programs spend $2.8 billion per year, and this does not include the
$1.0 billion spent on vocational education programs. Almost half of
the youth in the summer jobs program are 14 and 15 years old, and
are essentially paid to go to summer school to learn what they
should have learned during the regular school year.
-
A report by then-Secretary of Labor
Robert B. Reich acknowledges that summer jobs programs do not
work. The
study notes that subsidized work experience has not been successful
in improving the employability of youths once the subsidized job
has ended. The graduation rates and grades of participants do not
improve, and young girls in the program are just as likely to
become pregnant as those that do not participate in the
program.
-
A national controlled scientific study
of JTPA reported that youth programs had no statistically
significant effect on either the average earnings of young females
or their employment. Even worse, the programs had a
large negative effect on the earnings of young males and no effect
on their employment.
Many
Members of Congress realize that basic education reform, and tax
and regulatory reform, are the best ways to strengthen the ability
of all young Americans to find gainful employment. Accordingly, the
House Appropriations Committee has eliminated the Summer Youth
Employment and Training Program to make it easier to pursue
initiatives that support economic growth and more effectively
create the jobs that young Americans want and need.

Since the program was created in 1994, 43 states have received
School-to-Work implementation grants. In FY 1997 and FY 1998, $400
million was appropriated each year for these programs.
School-to-Work's authorization is scheduled to expire on October 1,
2001.
Proponents claim that the program focuses
on building school, business, and community partnerships; academic
and occupational integration; the integration of school and
work-based learning; and connections to post-secondary education.
However:
-
Since FY 1994, the U.S. Department of
Education has granted the states money from other federal
programs--$4.4 billion in vocational education grants, $1.1 billion
in professional development grants, and $1.3 billion in program
innovation grants--to do the same things the School-to-Work program
does.
-
Of the $200 million appropriated in FY
1998 for the Department of Education's responsibilities under the
School-to-Work Opportunities Act, less than one-half (about $93
million) actually is used in classrooms, according to the
Congressional Research Service.
-
A preliminary report on how states have
implemented School-to-Work programs already has concluded that
efforts to raise academic and vocational standards are peripheral
to School-to-Work priorities and that the links between school and
worksite learning are limited.
The
$2.8 billion currently planned to be spent on School-to-Work
programs between 1994 and 2001 will continue to have a negligible
effect on teaching the basic skills that employers require. In the
first-ever national evaluation of school-to-work programs,
Mathematica Policy Research, Inc., is assessing the states'
progress in creating these systems for the U.S. Department of
Education. It will measure, among other things, the outcomes
students achieve in high school and post-secondary education and
employment. (The study does not use a rigorous control group
evaluation methodology, however, and this raises serious concerns
about its ultimate usefulness. )
States and localities should have the
flexibility to establish their own core curricula, use proven
teaching methods, set high expectations, and improve discipline.
Primary and secondary schools should concentrate on improving key
areas such as these instead of devoting scarce resources to
interagency collaboration and the formation of local partnerships.
Thus, the House Appropriations Committee has proposed significant
reductions in School-to-Work funding.
Low-Income Home Energy Assistance
Program

The
Low-Income Home Energy Assistance Program (LIHEAP) provides federal
funding to help pay home energy costs (heating and cooling) for
some low-income households. Funds are distributed through annual
block grants to states, the District of Columbia, more than 100
eligible Indian tribes, two commonwealths, and four territories. Up
to 10 percent of the funds payable to a state may be used to pay
planning and administrative costs.
The
United States has spent over $27.1 billion on LIHEAP since the
program began in 1982. As the Congressional Budget Office points
out:
LIHEAP was created in response to the
rapid increases in the price of energy used in the home in the late
1970s and early 1980s. Since 1981, however, inflation in fuel
prices has lagged far behind general inflation: fuel prices are up
about 25 percent since 1981 in comparison with an overall inflation
rate of 70 percent. That fact might now warrant either eliminating
or reducing LIHEAP.
The
LIHEAP program is now obsolete. The extreme conditions it was
created to address no longer exist. In addition, the states have
been given more discretion over how they use federal welfare money,
and this has enabled them to address the needs of low-income
Americans more creatively. Continuing the LIHEAP program would
needlessly preserve a federal bureaucracy to manage the program and
drain resources that more appropriately should be available to
states, local communities, and families. The House Appropriations
Committee, therefore, has proposed to terminate funding for LIHEAP
in FY 1999.

Since 1965, the Head Start program has
served more than 15 million children at a total cost of over $30
billion. The program's general purpose is to provide comprehensive
health, social, educational, and mental health services to
disadvantaged students. According to the GAO, however,
the early childhood development program has continued to operate
without any valid, useful study of how well it works.
The
Clinton Administration has asked Congress to increase funding for
the program from $4.4 billion in FY 1998 to $4.7 billion in FY
1999. With these funds, the government anticipates serving an
additional 30,000 to 36,000 children, raising the total number of
children served annually to approximately 860,000.
Yet,
in its five-year strategic plan submitted to Congress on September
30, 1997, Head Start's parent agency, the Department of Health and
Human Services, was unable--after more than 30 years--to describe
precisely what the program is supposed to accomplish. Worse, the
agency's FY 1999 annual performance plan makes no mention of what
American parents and taxpayers reasonably might expect in return
for the $4.7 billion the Administration is asking them to
give.
The
House Appropriations Committee bill proposes to fund a study by
HHS, but this study--the Family and Child Experience Survey
(FACES)--has serious methodological shortcomings. In June 1998,
the GAO testified before Congress that "we are not convinced that
[HHS] initiatives will provide definitive information on impact,
that is, on whether children and their families would have achieved
these gains without participating in Head Start." Thus, Congress
also should require HHS to perform the following much-needed
analyses:
-
Evaluate the
differential effects of Head Start on participants' income as shown
by its Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP).
-
Use the National
Longitudinal Survey of Youth (NLSY)--which since 1988 has gathered
data on children who attended Head Start--to study a wide range of
outcomes, including cognitive, socio-emotional, behavioral, and
academic development, while controlling for such factors as family
background and the mother's IQ and level of education.
-
Employ the Survey of
Program Dynamics, a new longitudinal survey required by the 1996
welfare reform act, to conduct an additional study of Head
Start.
-
Mandate that the
Survey of Program Dynamics be linked with the NLSY at least once by
the use of a common performance test. This would enable greater
generalization of NLSY Head Start data.
After 30 years and more than $30 billion,
Congress would be wise to demand that HHS competently study and
effectively demonstrate that the Head Start program produces
results.

Enacted in 1994, the Goals 2000: Educate
America Act is expected to provide $491 million in FY 1998 to
states and local districts. Under the program as recently amended,
states and local school districts may apply to the U.S. Department
of Education for funds to be applied to academic standards, model
curricula, staff training, student assessments, technology, or
magnet and charter schools.
Goals 2000 funding, however, duplicates
other federal programs or pays the states to do what they already
are doing. Moreover, states are paying the federal government at
least 13 percent of the program money--$67 million of the $491
million in FY 1998--to maintain this duplicative federal
bureaucracy.
A
1994 survey by the Council of Chief State School Officers,
conducted after the passage of Goals 2000, found that virtually all
states had implemented or were formulating curriculum content and
pupil performance standards. There is little evidence that any
reforms currently are taking place that would not have been
implemented if Goals 2000 had not been enacted.
Continued high levels of funding for Goals
2000 will only maintain and strengthen the federal government's
control over local reform efforts and hamper grassroots reform
initiatives. Washington does not need to pay the states to do what
they already are doing and waste money on maintaining an
unnecessary federal bureaucracy. Accordingly, the House
Appropriations Committee has proposed significantly reduced funding
for this program.
Eisenhower Professional Development
Program

The
Eisenhower Professional Development Program, funded at $335 million
in FY 1998, provides grants to state and local education agencies,
state agencies for higher education, institutions of higher
education, and qualified nonprofit organizations to support
professional development in core academic subjects.
While the Department of Education
currently funds several professional programs, it "does not have an
estimate of the amount expended for teacher professional
development under these programs." It also does not keep records on
funding provided for these purposes by other agencies, such as the
National Aeronautics and Space Administration and the National
Science Foundation. Despite this duplication and the
lack of any clear demonstration of need, Congress has increased
funding for the Eisenhower program steadily since 1992.
The
Department of Education proposes to use some of the Eisenhower
program's funding to support the National Board for Professional
Teaching Standards, which administers a voluntary assessment and
certification process based on national standards of excellence
developed by the National Commission on Teaching and America's
Future (NCTAF). The Department of Education has requested that
funding for the Board's certification process be doubled to $5
million in FY 1999, arguing that this increase is needed to reach
the NCTAF's goal of certifying 105,000 teachers by 2006.
However, a recent appraisal of NCTAF's
goal by University of Missouri economists Dale Ballou and Michael
Podgursky raises important questions about who really stands to
benefit. Noting the close ties between teacher unions and the
NCTAF, the authors point out that NCTAF has yet to prove whether
the achievement of this goal, other than simply generating a larger
number of teachers, actually will improve the quality of teaching
in a way that demonstrably benefits children and whether it can
accomplish this in a cost-effective way.
The
House Appropriations Committee has proposed reduced funding for
this program. States should be allowed to use funds for
professional development as they deem appropriate. For example,
state and local education agencies should have the freedom to use
federal funds for scholarships to encourage teachers to study core
subjects at area universities and community colleges.
Federal Regional Education
Laboratories

The
regional education laboratories have been around for more than 32
years and have received over $750 million in federal funding.
Although the ten regional laboratories seem to be doing interesting
work, their impact on education reform has been small; in some
cases, their work may even have undermined efforts at reform. Among
the many problems associated with the work of these labs are the
following:
-
Evidence of waste and abuse has been
reported by the Department of Education's own inspector
general.
-
Research is of questionable quality and
value. Nearly half of the states and districts that have had
contact with regional labs have found them to be of little or no
help in understanding or implementing comprehensive standards-based
reform.
-
A review of lab Internet sites
indicates a lack of objectivity, with few details on free-market
ideas or the many recent studies on school choice.
-
The labs tend to promote education fads
at the expense of sound policy.
The
House Appropriations Committee bill takes a modest first step
toward eliminating this redundant and ineffective program by
refusing to increase program funding in FY 1999. Ultimately, the
private sector, as well as other agencies, should be allowed to
compete for funds targeted to the work of these labs, with funding
based on individual projects.
Education research is best conducted by
private and independent organizations that are funded based on
their ability to translate research findings into successful
methodology and practice. The sole determinant in deciding whether
a program will be implemented in the schools should be an increase
in academic scores, not how much the educational bureaucracy or
lobbyists may like the program.
PROGRAMS IN NEED OF REFORM
Bilingual Education

The
House Appropriations Committee bill contains several measures
designed to improve the education of Limited English-Proficient
(LEP) students. Research and evaluation on methods of second
language instruction have been inconclusive at best.
In
1997, the Department of Education and several independent
foundations evaluated the available research on English language
instruction. One of the reports concluded that nearly $100 million
and 30 years of research and evaluation had yielded scant results
in terms of classroom achievement. Not surprisingly, the Department
of Education's FY 1999 annual performance plan fails to include the
measurements it will use to determine what, if anything, the
program actually accomplishes.
The
Department of Education has been inattentive to the results of its
own in-house research projects and has failed to build upon
original research. For example, during a 1992 audit
of Office of Bilingual Education research, a budget analyst from
the Department of Education's Office of the Under Secretary
discovered that, of the 91 research evaluations or studies funded
with $47 million of Title VII appropriations from 1980 to 1991, 40
of the final reports had been discarded or lost. Of the remaining
51 studies available, just 29 were relevant to policy formation and
only 12 were described as "large-scale policy-relevant
studies."
Before giving more money to bilingual
education, Congress would be wise to:
-
Block grant to states
all current federal funding for bilingual and immigrant education,
giving states more flexibility develop ways to help their Limited
English-Proficient students make the transition to English-language
fluency while requiring that 90 percent of the grant go directly to
classroom instruction.
-
Allow the local
education agencies to select which method of English language
instruction to use and secure parental consent before placing a
child in the program. Parents would have the right to remove their
child from the program at any time and would be able to select the
method of English language instruction if more than one were
offered.
-
Void all previous
compliance agreements that mandate bilingual education between the
Department of Education and districts receiving funds and prohibit
the Office of Civil Rights from entering into any new compliance
agreements until the Secretary sets new regulations.
The
House Appropriations Committee takes several steps to give states
more flexibility to design the best models for their students,
while at the same time assuring that these students exit the
program within two to four years. The bill requires the Secretary
of Education to give priority to funding state grant proposals that
focus on the most rapid transition to English.
Occupational Safety and Health
Administration: Enforcement and Compliance Strategy

The
Occupational Safety and Health Administration (OSHA) has been
enforcing safety and health standards for 27 years. There are
serious questions, however, as to whether it has improved worker
safety.
Too
often, OSHA pits the employer against the inspector, a model that
fosters distrust and suspicion and flies in the face of true
partnership efforts that are the key to worker safety. The threat
of large fines for non-compliance, when millions of
safety-conscious employers do not know how to comply, undermines
the enhancement of worker safety and protection. OSHA should
concentrate on working with employers who are concerned about
worker safety and health and encouraging them voluntarily to seek
expert advice on how to comply with OSHA's regulations. It also
should provide adequate funding for its compliance assistance
programs.
To
this end, Congress passed, and the President signed on July 16,
1998, the OSHA Compliance Assistance Act (PL 105-197). This law
codifies OSHA's consultation program, which provides states with
funding to perform on-site consultations, as well as other
education and training activities. Employers who voluntarily
requested a consultation would be able to work with the state to
correct any hazards and safety violations; only if they failed to
correct hazards would enforcement authorities be notified.
Employers who corrected hazards identified in the consultative
visit would be exempt from subsequent "general schedule"
inspections for one year.
Since the 1970s, Congress has allotted
money for a small grant program--now codified by PL 105-197--under
which state agencies provide these services to a limited number of
small businesses. But this program has been chronically
underfunded. In some states, employers requesting consultation
assistance must wait more than one year, and sometimes two; this
denies employees vital safety and health protections.
In
addition, while overall funding for compliance assistance has
increased in the past few years, nearly all of the increase has
been kept in Washington. Among other problems, this federalizing of
compliance assistance means that employers and employees in nearly
half of the states do not receive any benefit from the funding.
Funds for federal enforcement activities
should be redirected to consultation grants that go directly to
states.
The House Appropriations Committee's bill holds back a requested
funding increase for FY 1999 and sends an important message to OSHA
by shifting more of OSHA's funding away from enforcement programs
and into compliance activities.
Occupational Safety and Health
Administration:
Health and Safety Regulations
The
FY 1999 House appropriations bill for OSHA sets aside $300,000 for
the peer review of safety and health standards. Peer review is
widely recognized in professional and academic circles, where it is
viewed as a linchpin of quality assurance.
The
Presidential/Congressional Commission on Risk Assessment and Risk
Management has recognized the importance of peer review:
Peer review is an important and effective
mechanism for evaluating the accuracy or appropriateness of
technical data, observations, interpretations, and the scientific
and economic aspects of regulatory decisions. Peer review should
provide balanced, independent views. When used well, peer review
can serve as a system of checks and balances for the technical
aspects of the regulatory process.
The
peer review provision in the House Appropriations Committee bill,
however, needs to define the kind of quality review that Congress
has in mind. For peer review to be effective, it must be conducted
through independent panels and expert bodies that are broadly
representative and involve participants with relevant expertise.
The peer review process should provide for the timely completion of
the review and contain a balanced presentation of the weight of
scientific evidence and all other considerations, including
minority reports and an agency response to all significant peer
review comments.
National Labor Relations Board:
Jurisdictional Thresholds

The
House Appropriations Committee has included a provision in the
Labor-HHS-Education appropriations bill that requires the National
Labor Relations Board (NLRB) to adjust its jurisdictional
thresholds for inflation.
The
NLRB is the government agency designated to settle labor disputes
between unions and management. Most of its jurisdictional
thresholds were set in 1959 and are based on the gross receipts of
a business. Labor disputes involving businesses below the threshold
are subject to resolution in state courts rather than by the NLRB.
The threshold for non-retail businesses is currently
$50,000-$310,000 in 1997 dollars.
With
no adjustment for inflation, businesses and the NLRB have been
caught in "bracket creep." As inflation has increased since 1959,
the NLRB has acquired jurisdiction over smaller and smaller
businesses, needlessly increasing both its own and businesses'
workloads. Congress never intended for businesses with as few as
two employees to be covered by the NLRB, but up to 20 percent of
the NLRB's workload now involves small businesses, and its budget
has grown to $145 million.
The
NLRB claims it cannot change its jurisdiction without an act of
Congress. The corrective language in the appropriations bill does
exactly that. By indexing jurisdiction to the rate of inflation,
the NLRB once again will be able to focus on the larger businesses
for which the law originally was written. At the same time, the
corrective language continues the NLRB's current authority to
adjudicate egregious cases below the thresholds and does nothing to
alter the right of workers to organize or bargain collectively.
CONCLUSION
There is an old saying that the closest
thing to immortality is a government program. But programs created
to address problems the nation faced decades ago will not meet the
needs of Americans in the 21st century. As Congress considers the
FY 1999 Labor-HHS-Education appropriations bill, it should take
steps to terminate such obsolete, redundant, and ineffective
programs as School-to-Work, Goals 2000, and federal regional
education laboratories (among others) and fundamentally reevaluate
the goals, priorities, and results of these federal agencies.
--Mark Wilson is a former Labor
Economist at The Heritage Foundation; Nina H. Shokraii is former
Education Policy Analyst at The Heritage Foundation; and Angela
Antonelli is the former Director of the Thomas A. Roe Institute for
Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
Endnotes