Congress is considering legislation to reauthorize
the Federal Aviation Administration (FAA). The FAA, an agency of
the U.S. Department of Transportation, funds and operates the
nation's air traffic control system, enforces federal air safety
regulations, provides financial support to U.S. airports, and
performs other aviation-related functions. The FAA's authorization
expired in 1996, and since then Congress and the President have
been trying to work out their differences over the level of funding
for the agency.
The
main disagreements between the House and the Senate, and between
Congress and the President, over reauthorization of the FAA concern
how much to spend on aviation programs, how much FAA spending from
the aviation trust fund should be supplemented with general
revenues, and whether future aviation trust fund spending will be
included in federal budget totals and subject to the budget caps
agreed upon in the 1997 Balanced Budget Act.
The
Aviation Investment and Reform Act (H.R. 1000) sponsored by
Representative Bud Shuster (R-PA) proposes that all or more of the
revenues flowing into the aviation trust fund be spent by the FAA
over the next five years. Although this bill in its original form
would have exceeded the fiscal year (FY) 2000 budget caps, it was
amended in late May 1999 to conform to this year's caps, but not to
those applicable to fiscal years after FY 2000. Alternatively, the
Air Transportation Act (S. 82) introduced by Senator John McCain
(R-AZ), as well as the President's plan released in January in his
FY 2000 budget proposal, would allow the existing trust fund
surplus to accumulate and the spending caps to remain
applicable.
Although the President has proposed trust
fund spending of $1.6 billion on the Aviation Improvement Program
(AIP) in FY 2000 and S. 82 proposes spending of $2.8 billion, H.R.
1000 (the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure
plan) proposes AIP spending of $2.5 billion in FY 2000 and more
than $4 billion per year between FY 2001 and FY 2004.
Some
Members of Congress object to the buildup of money in the aviation
trust fund and contend that all of, if not more than, the revenue
now flowing into the trust fund should be spent on airport
improvements and other FAA operations. They argue that
aviation-related user taxes should be dedicated to aviation and not
diverted to other spending programs, deficit reduction, or tax
cuts, as has often been the case with other federal trust
funds.
Unfortunately, the debate over the
mechanism for funding the FAA misses the more critical point: how
to improve and reform FAA programs so that they better serve
consumers, communities that own the airports, and the economy. For
more than a decade, both the media and the government's own
watchdogs, such as the U.S. General Accounting Office (GAO) and the
Department of Transportation's Office of Inspector General, have
reported the failure of the FAA to upgrade its own systems.
The
President and Congress also have neglected the obvious
opportunities to reform the management and funding of the nation's
commercial airports. The privatization of 66 airports around the
world in just the past two years demonstrates that large airports
can be self-funding, independent of government financial support,
and still provide substantial gains to their communities. Despite
this record of success, however, some in Congress appear determined
to make commercial airports even more dependent on scarce federal
dollars by proposing federal airport funding that is more than
double that of previous plans.
The
airport privatization trend now sweeping the world was pioneered in
1987 by Great Britain when it sold seven airports, including
Heathrow and Gatwick, in a public share offering for $2.5 billion.
Since then, the new owner, BAA, plc., has invested more the $5
billion in the airports, has financed the construction of a
passenger rail line connecting Heathrow to downtown London, and
last year paid taxes of $340 million on the profits.
Based on the prices paid by investors for
the 66 airports that were sold or leased to private owner/operators
over the past two years, many major U.S. airports could be sold for
substantially higher prices than Great Britain received for its
airports in 1987. These potential sums represent a source of
extraordinary untapped wealth for the cities and communities that
now own airports. Atlanta's Hartsfield and Chicago's O'Hare
airports could be worth as much as $6 billion each, and Los Angeles
International and Dallas-Ft. Worth airports might be worth as much
as $5 billion each. After repayment of debt and federal grants, the
proceeds from the sales could be reinvested in other needed
community infrastructure, such as schools, wastewater treatment
plants, surface transportation improvements, and other public
purposes.
Although several U.S. states and cities
have attempted to sell or lease their airports to private
owner/operators, the Federal Aviation Administration has been an
obstacle to these efforts by interpreting certain sections of the
U.S. Code governing the relationship between airports and the
federal government in ways that make such transactions
impossible.
CONCLUSION
Because the latest extension of the
Federal Aviation Administration's authorization is set to expire,
it may be too late for Congress to include major FAA reforms in the
authorization bills currently under consideration. The two
reauthorization bills before Congress differ dramatically in their
intent and scope, as well as in the extent to which they would
permit fundamental reforms in the future. As a result of these
significant differences, S. 82 offers Members of Congress, the
President, and state and local officials a better near-term window
of opportunity to conduct a comprehensive review of the potential
reform options that could allow them to make such reforms
operational as early as October 2000.
Dr.
Ronald D. Utt is Grover M. Hermann Fellow in Federal
Budgetary Affairs at The Heritage Foundation.