Congress is poised to take the first step
toward creating a new federal bureaucracy to regulate the provision
of day care in the United States. Under the guise of giving
lower-paid federal workers a higher employee benefit, this new
bureaucracy would have sweeping powers to determine the child care
options available to federal workers. And with such a system in
place for federal workers, experience suggests that this regulatory
bureaucracy then would be used to build support for a national
system of regulated day care options for every working American
parent.
THE MORELLA PROPOSAL
This
day care provision, which is sponsored by Representative Constance
Morella (R-MD), was incorporated recently into the House
Treasury/Postal Fiscal Year 2000 Appropriations Bill that now must
go to conference with a Senate version that contains a similar
proposal. The House provision would quietly put in place the
necessary apparatus to expand federal regulation of day care, right
down to the local neighborhood level--and sharply curb parental
choice for day care of their children.
There is no doubt that the regulations in
this bill governing federal child care facilities would become a
"standard" toward which all state regulations would be driven by
lobbying pressure. The tendency would be for the federal standard
to supplant the diverse state and local standards of the day care
provider industry, a special-interest group that has long sought to
limit competition from the home and church providers who generally
are most trusted by parents. In a realm in which affection and
intimacy are the most critical factors in a child's development,
national bureaucratic standards would create environments in which
conformity and consistency held sway.
Under the Morella provision, this new
federal bureaucracy would receive sweeping powers to regulate such
things as the design of child care facilities, the materials to be
used in the physical plant, the qualifications of personnel, the
materials to be used by the children, the developmental
appropriateness of educational activities, and the accreditation of
staffing and the facilities. The Morella provision also includes a
vaguely worded "outside monitoring" apparatus, which would leave
the door wide open for special-interest influence and control.
If
enacted into law, there is little doubt that the Morella provision
would interfere with the day care market and make the cost of child
care rise and the choices for parents more limited. These results
would occur because the federally regulated system would be
dominated by professional providers of day care, their ancillary
professions, and their suppliers. These special-interest groups
include child care education and accrediting specialists, child
care equipment and toy manufacturers, and child care facility
engineers and architects.
A HISTORY OF FEDERAL WASTE AND
FAILURE
The
Morella provision would enshrine yet another federal accrediting
body, something that is anathema to what works well in social
programs. Congress should bear in mind that federal and state
governments have demonstrated repeatedly that providing social
services is a particularly problematic endeavor. For example,
lawmakers should consider the results of the most comprehensive and
expensive federal experiment in delivering social services to the
poor, the Comprehensive Child Development Program (CCDP). This
program--thought to be the Cadillac of all social service packages
ever assembled--has not made any difference in the development of
the poor children it serves, despite spending $15,756 per family
per year, for a total cost of $47,000 per family. According to the
June 1997 conclusions of a rigorous evaluation by Abt Associates
for the Administration for Children and Families in the Department
of Health and Human Services, the CCDP made no difference in
developmental outcomes for children.
Based on the effects of federal regulation
in the CCDP and other programs, one can predict with confidence
that federal regulation of day care would be most likely to lead to
decreased--not increased--benefits for those children
involved. But history also shows that if this happened, the public
response to that failure would be the marching of day care special
interests back to Washington, D.C., to argue that more money and
more regulation were needed.
WASHINGTON'S FOOT IN THE DOOR
With
this provision, Congress is about to give a new instrument to those
who want more control over the lives of children and their parents.
To those familiar with the policy battles over parental control of
their children's well-being, there is little doubt that, in a few
years, these regulations gradually would supplant all other
regulations on facilities that accepted any federal monies.
Through its various child care subsidies,
the federal government would gain the financial leverage to
regulate child care services throughout the country. Much of the
institutional child care network that already is feeding furiously
from the federal treasury would lobby Washington for more money
each year, all in the name of helping children. But professionals
would attribute any inferior results by these institutions to too
little funding and too little regulation. Thus, federal regulation
gradually would overtake state regulation of day care facilities,
or force the states to enact similarly constricting regulations at
the state level. The Morella provision would open the door to
special-interest control of day care by those who hope to drive out
of business the day care providers most favored by parents; little
of the funding would get to the intended beneficiaries--America's
children and working parents.
CONCLUSION
In
the past, Congress wisely avoided pressure from the professional
day care industry. Lawmakers would be wise to do so again, and
instead leave the choice of day care in the hands of parents, where
it belongs. That a decision to use the excuse of helping
lower-income federal workers to impose federal control of day care
should move through Congress without serious debate would be
inexcusable.
Patrick F. Fagan is William
H. G. FitzGerald Senior Fellow in Family and Cultural Issues at The
Heritage Foundation.