Welfare reform, which has dramatically
reduced the number of people receiving public assistance, has
altered the debate over the national entry-level minimum wage.
The
states already face an enormous challenge in increasing the
workforce participation rate of their families on welfare. Their
challenges will become even more daunting as federal workforce
participation requirements increase and the welfare caseload
shrinks to Americans with the least job-related skills. As recent
economic research by Kevin Lang of Boston University and David
Neumark of Michigan State University demonstrates, higher mandated
wages reduce employment opportunities for the least skilled and
cause shifts in the profile of those who get hired as employers
favor more highly skilled applicants. And as entry-level unskilled
job opportunities disappear, welfare recipients have a more
difficult time finding work. To move forward with welfare reform,
state officials should have the flexibility to determine the
appropriate entry-level wage level for their states without a
burdensome federal mandate that restricts their ability to help the
poor.
Should Congress decide to consider another
increase in the federally mandated minimum wage, it would do so in
a completely different policy environment. The enormous flexibility
that federal welfare reform gave the states in finding innovative
ways to move recipients off the rolls and into work proved that the
states understand what their welfare populations need. Congress
should adopt a similar perspective with regard to federal mandates
on entry-level wages.
UNIQUE CHALLENGES FACING THE UNITED
STATES
The
states confront unique demographic and geographic challenges in
helping welfare recipients enter the workforce. In 1998, all states
met the overall federal workforce participation rates required by
law, but only 28 met the requirement for two-parent families.
States that do not meet the federal workforce participation
requirements are subject to a penalty of 5 percent of their annual
federal welfare block grant. Thus, they will stand to lose tens of
millions of dollars if they do not meet the increasing requirements
because a higher minimum rate makes it difficult to find
entry-level jobs. A federally mandated, across-the-board increase
in the minimum wage would exacerbate the difficulties they face in
helping those who need jobs the most.
Even
the U.S. Department of Labor recognizes the challenges for the
states. Raymond Bramucci, Assistant Secretary for Employment and
Training, told Congress on September 9, 1999, that "While we are
encouraged by the early successes of welfare reform, the hardest
job lies ahead. Those who remain on the rolls are most at risk of
long-term dependency, unemployment, marginal employment, and low
wages." Americans who lack the skills to get a job at $5.15 per
hour today probably will not have acquired those skills to get a
job at $5.65 per hour in January just because Congress raises the
entry-level wage requirement.
DIFFERENCES AMONG THE STATES
Instead of building on what has worked
(state flexibility), the Clinton Administration wants to
reauthorize a $1.5 billion federal welfare-to-work program in order
to counteract the impact of a proposed increase in the minimum
wage. Yet a one-size-fits-all federal minimum wage would undermine
state efforts to move Americans from welfare to work. If there is a
minimum wage, it should at least reflect the significant
differences in costs of living and general wage levels that exist
among the states and even within states. Significantly, the federal
government officially recognizes such regional differences in costs
of living and general wage rates in paying its own employees. A
national minimum wage makes as much sense as requiring Washington
to pay federal workers the same wage for an entry-level job in New
York City as it does in Fargo, North Dakota, where the cost of
living is much lower.
Economic conditions vary widely among the
states. In July 1999, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics,
Indiana and Nebraska had the lowest unemployment rate (2.4
percent), while West Virginia had the highest (6.1 percent).
Employment growth from July 1998 was strongest in Nevada (4.5
percent), while Mississippi lost employment
(-0.1 percent).
With
such wide differences in employment opportunities, governors and
state legislators are in a better position than are Members of
Congress and the Administration to determine the appropriate
entry-level wage levels for their own areas. State legislators
understand the living and working conditions in their districts and
how a minimum wage rate change would affect economic conditions,
job opportunities, and welfare reform for their constituents. The
experience of the states in successfully moving people from welfare
to work thus far will complement this knowledge well--if the
federal government does not tie their hands.
CONCLUSION
Congress wisely gave the states direct
responsibility for bringing welfare recipients into the workforce.
To build on that successful approach, it should also give the
states the flexibility they need to adapt their own minimum wage
policies to local economic, demographic, and development needs.
Instead of raising the federal minimum wage and undermining welfare
reform, Congress should promote the states' ability to increase
opportunities in their own labor markets in a way that matches
their responsibility to move Americans off the welfare rolls.
D. Mark Wilson is a
former Research Fellow in the Center for Data Analysis at The
Heritage Foundation.