"If you're in
an...under-achieving school, then you have a right to seek a
voucher to go to a school where you can be guaranteed some level of
achievement."
--Andrew Young, former mayor of Atlanta
and top aide to Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.
Despite an adverse ruling by a Florida state judge
on March 14, 2000, striking down that state's eight-month-old
school choice law, the school choice movement began the new
millennium on a high note. During 1999, it succeeded in winning the
enactment of an education tax credit program in Illinois and two
new charter school laws, in addition to Florida's sweeping (albeit
subsequently overturned) school choice plan. Pennsylvania, New
Mexico, and Texas also were in the school choice spotlight,
although efforts to enact legislation in these states were not
successful.
Perhaps most impressive, the Children's
Scholarship Fund found that 1.25 million low-income parents would
take advantage of scholarships to attend a better private or
religious school if given a choice.
In
the waning hours of the 1999 legislative session, the legislatures
of Oklahoma and Oregon passed two fairly strong bipartisan charter
school measures that later were signed into law. And the U.S.
Department of Education released results of its ongoing study of
charter schools, showing (among other things) that these schools
educate a higher portion of minority students than do the public
schools.
Despite a topsy-turvy year, none of the
lawsuits against school choice was upheld by the Supreme Court,
though many are still pending.
The
court of public opinion, however, continues to show growing support
for school choice, especially among minorities. The Joint Center
for Political and Economic Studies, a leading black think tank,
found in its 1999 annual poll that support for choice among blacks
is at an all-time high: 60 percent. This includes two-thirds of
black baby boomers and over 70 percent of blacks under 35.
Though still in its infancy, the body of
research on school choice is beginning to show strong evidence that
choice works. Perhaps the most promising development in school
choice research is a new book by John Witte, the official evaluator
of the Milwaukee school choice program. Witte's previous reports
have been used to show that school choice does not work; but in
The Market Approach to Education: An Analysis of America's First
Voucher Program, he concludes that choice is a "useful tool to
aid low-income families."
Michigan and California are up next:
Choice initiatives are on each state's ballot this November. Also,
at least two governors have pledged to push for school choice in
the coming years. Governor Gary Johnson of New Mexico plans to
offer all students a voucher to attend a school of choice, and
Governor John Rowland of Connecticut wants to offer the parents of
private and religious school students a $500 tax credit.
Legislatures in at least 20 states are considering some form of
voucher or tax credit legislation.
Regardless of what happens at the state
level, however, one development could significantly alter the
course of school choice in 2000: the presidential elections. The
next President will decide the composition of the U.S. Supreme
Court and determine who fills the vacancies on the lower federal
courts. Most legal scholars expect that the Supreme Court could
decide, once and for all, the constitutionality of school choice in
the near future.
GROWTH OF PUBLICLY FINANCED PRIVATE SCHOOL
CHOICE
Two
states led the way in school reform during 1999: Florida and
Illinois. In part because of leadership from Governor Jeb Bush and
allies like T. Willard Fair of the Urban League of Greater Miami,
Florida is now the first state to allow a "money back guarantee"
for students trapped in failing schools.
Florida's statewide school choice plan
allows students who have been trapped for two out of four years in
a failing school an opportunity to attend a better public, private,
or religious school of choice. In the first year (1999-2000), 134
families from two elementary schools in Pensacola were offered
scholarships, of which 78 were for attendance at public schools.
Students in as many as 50 schools could qualify in 2000-2001.
Faced with the prospect of a mass exodus
from poorly performing public schools, public school officials have
been quick to respond. The Superintendent of the Hillsborough
County School District in Tampa even said that he and all of his
top administrators would take a 5 percent pay cut if any of the
schools in Hillsborough County were given a grade of "F." The
leaders of the teachers unions and their allies, as expected,
immediately filed two lawsuits against the Florida plan. A state
judge struck down the law on March 14, 2000, although the students
in the program will be allowed to stay in their private school of
choice until the end of the school year.
In
Illinois, the legislature enacted an educational expenses tax
credit that would provide parents a tax credit of up to 25 percent
of education-related expenses--tuition, book fees, lab
fees--exceeding $250, for a maximum of $500 per family. The
Illinois program has been challenged in two separate lawsuits even
though its key beneficiaries are public school students.
Other states have taken positive action as
well.
-
In New Mexico, a bill backed by
Governor Gary Johnson to award each of the state's 316,000
schoolchildren a voucher worth $3,500 a year gained momentum; after
being scaled back, however, it was defeated.
-
In Pennsylvania, Governor Tom Ridge
introduced a plan that would offer, among other things, a voucher
to parents in struggling districts to send their children to the
public, private, or religious school of choice. This plan also was
scaled back, after which it was withdrawn from consideration.
- In Texas, several bills were
introduced with the backing of both Governor George Bush and
Lieutenant Governor Rick Perry, but none was passed by the
legislature.
Governors Johnson, Ridge, and Bush and
Lieutenant Governor Perry all have vowed to continue to push for
these reforms in the future.
CHARTER SCHOOLS ON THE RISE
Toward the end of the 1999 legislative
session, the legislatures of Oklahoma and Oregon passed two fairly
strong bipartisan charter school measures that later were signed
into law.
Meanwhile, for the third year in a row,
Hugh Price, president of the National Urban League, has implored
his members to think like real reformers, urging that all the
nation's urban schools be turned into independently run charter
schools.
In
February 2000, the U.S. Department of Education released The
State of Charter Schools--2000, the fourth-year report of a
national study of charter schools. The report finds
that:
-
During 1999, 421 new charter schools
opened, bringing the total to 1,484 as of September. (If multiple
branches of a school operating under the same charter are taken
into account, the total number of charter school sites operating
was 1,605.)
-
During the 1998-1999 school year, the
number of students in charter schools increased by nearly 90,000,
bringing the total to more than 250,000 students.
-
Of the 36 states with charter laws, 11
allow private schools to convert to charter schools.
-
Most charter schools are small, with an
average enrollment of 137 students.
- White students made up about 48 percent of
charter school enrollment in 1998 compared to about 59 percent of
public school enrollment in 1997-1998.
Another report, by Professor Scott
Milliman of James Madison University, Fredrick Hess and Robert
Maranto of the University of Virginia, and Charlottesville,
Virginia, social psychologist April Gresham, reveals that the
establishment of charter schools has spurred noticeable differences
in the public school system. Based on a March
1998 survey of Arizona public school teachers, the researchers
concluded that the power of choice and market competition from
charter schools led to the following changes between the 1994-1995
and 1997-1998 school years:
The
authors also found that charter schools do not replace district
schools, but rather push district schools to compete, primarily
because state subsidies follow the students.
GROWTH OF THE PRIVATE SCHOLARSHIP
MOVEMENT
Perhaps the most interesting and
encouraging phenomenon in education reform during the past decade
has been the creation of the Children's Scholarship Fund. The CSF
is a $100 million foundation underwritten by entrepreneurs Ted
Forstmann and John Walton. The plan initially offered 43 cities and
three states matching funds to allow poor students trapped in
failing schools an opportunity to attend a school of choice. Later,
because of an overwhelming number of applications for CSF challenge
grants, the program expanded to offer vouchers to all low-income
students entering kindergarten through 8th grade, not just those in
the 43 cities and three states originally selected as partners.
By
the March 31, 1999, deadline for applications, the CSF had received
responses from all 50 states--from 22,000 communities and 90
percent of all counties across America. In some cities, a
remarkable percentage of the eligible population applied: 29
percent in New York; 33 percent in Washington, D.C.; and a stunning
44 percent in Baltimore.
In
all, the CSF received a total of 1,250,000 applications--30
times the number of scholarships available. This response is
even more remarkable because to qualify for these partial
scholarships, applicants must be from low-income families willing
to contribute an average of $1,000 per year. This $1,000-per-year
contribution for four years from parents of 1.25 million children
adds up to $5 billion from families who have very little to give.
These parents are willing to sacrifice in order to give their
children the chance to escape bad schools and, through choice, gain
access to greater educational opportunities.
Altogether, the CSF has awarded nearly
40,000 four-year partial scholarships, totaling $170 million, to
enable thousands of low-income students across the country to
attend a school of choice. Recipients are selected randomly by
computer-generated lottery.
The
CSF board includes civil rights leaders like Andrew Young, Martin
Luther King III, and Dorothy Height, and such national leaders as
General Colin Powell, Barbara Bush, and the majority and minority
leaders of the U.S. Senate--Trent Lott (R-MS) and Thomas Daschle
(D-SD). Other members include baseball legend Sammy Sosa and actor
Will Smith; Disney president Michael Ovitz, Black Entertainment
Television founder Robert Johnson, and MTV president Tom Freston;
and prominent business leaders like news magnate Rupert Murdoch and
America Online founder Jim Kimsey.
Although school choice is strongly opposed
by the leadership of the teachers unions, the idea is clearly
winning the hearts and minds of many Americans on all sides of the
political spectrum, particularly those who want all children to get
the best education available.
A TOPSY-TURVY YEAR IN THE COURTS
A
Florida state judge struck down the state's eight-month-old school
choice program on March 14, 2000, but this setback is a minor one
compared to the positive legal developments on the school choice
front during the past year.
Although a May 1999 ruling by the Ohio
Supreme Court upheld the constitutionality of the Cleveland
scholarship program, the court also ruled that the program violated
the state constitution's single-subject rule because it had been
attached to the state's biennial budget. The court stayed the
effect of its ruling until June 30 to allow the legislature time to
reenact the program in a proper manner.
The
legislature complied, and Governor Robert Taft signed the bill into
law. Shortly thereafter, however, the same parties that had filed
the first lawsuit against the program filed another suit. They
repeated their claim that the program violated the Establishment
Clause of the U.S. Constitution and asked the court to issue a
preliminary injunction that would halt the program before the start
of the school year.
One
day before the Cleveland public schools opened in August 1999,
Judge Solomon Oliver granted the plaintiffs' request for a
preliminary injunction. Three days later, in reaction to the
nationwide outcry over his decision displacing 3,800 students,
Judge Oliver modified his order, allowing students who had
participated in the program last year to continue in the program
for one semester while the litigation proceeded. In early November,
the U.S. Supreme Court stayed the preliminary injunction, allowing
the program to resume operation in its entirety.
Then, in December 1999, Judge Oliver ruled
that the program violated the First Amendment's Establishment
Clause. He stayed the injunction, however, pending appellate
review. An appeal has been filed, and the Ohio Supreme Court should
consider this appeal sometime this spring. At present, the Ohio
case is considered the best candidate for review by the U.S.
Supreme Court.
The
U.S. Supreme Court declined to take up the question of whether the
Vermont and Maine Supreme Courts' decisions to exclude religious
schools in those states' tuitioning programs violated parents'
First Amendment rights under the Free Exercise Clause. The two
states currently provide private and public school tuition for
children in rural school districts that do not have their own
public schools.
On a
more positive note, the Supreme Court also declined to review an
Arizona Supreme Court decision to allow a $500 tax credit to
individuals who contribute money to private scholarship
organizations. As a result, the legal status of the Arizona tax
credit is now settled.
SCHOOL CHOICE WORKS: WHAT THE RESEARCH
SHOWS
Social science researchers offered several
promising findings for school choice last year.
-
A study released in September 1999 by Dr.
Kim Metcalf of Indiana University found that Cleveland scholarship
students show a small but statistically significant improvement in
achievement scores in language and science. The researchers found
that the program effectively serves the population of families and
children for which it was intended and developed, and that the
majority of the children who participate in the program were not
likely to have enrolled in a private school without a scholarship.
The study also found that scholarship parents' perceptions of and
satisfaction with their children's schools were substantially
improved.
-
Similarly, a June 1999 survey conducted by
Professor Paul Peterson of Harvard University's John F. Kennedy
School of Government reveals that parents participating in
Cleveland's voucher program are more satisfied with many aspects of
the schools they chose than are parents with children still in
public schools. A study released
by the Columbus, Ohio-based Buckeye Institute argues that school
choice in Cleveland also has provided better racial integration
than the Cleveland public school system.
- In March, the Children's Educational
Opportunities Foundation (CEO America) released its findings on San
Antonio's Horizon program, the nation's first fully funded private
voucher program offered to all parents in an entire district. The
study, also conducted by Harvard's Paul Peterson, found that the
program did not lead to an exodus from the public schools: Only 800
students left the public schools, reducing the district's budget by
only 3.5 percent. However, after the inception of the Horizon
program, the Edgewood Independent School District implemented an
inter-district choice program which allowed 200 students from other
districts to transfer to Edgewood Schools, bringing with them
$775,000 that otherwise would have gone to their home
districts.
In addition, nearly every scholarship
applicant was accepted at a school of choice, thus refuting
arguments that private schools would "cherry pick" the best
students. In September 1999, Peterson concluded that the program
does not "cream" the best students out of the public school system.
The multiyear study found that there was no significant academic or
economic difference between the students who entered the Horizon
program and those who remained in the public school system.
Perhaps the most promising development in
school choice research, however, is a new book by the official
evaluator of the Milwaukee school choice program, John Witte.
Witte's previous reports have been used to show that school choice
does not work; but in The Market Approach to Education: An
Analysis of America's First Voucher Program, released early in
2000, he finds choice to be a "useful tool to aid low-income
families."
Similarly, a report released early in 2000
by Wisconsin's Legislative Audit Bureau finds that despite fears of
"creaming" and segregation, school choice is serving a student
population identical to that of the Milwaukee public school system.
The report also finds that most of the schools participating in the
Milwaukee parental choice program provide high-quality academic
programs and tests.
And
to the pleasant surprise of many school reformers, the National
Research Council (NRC) has proposed a "large and ambitious" school
choice research experiment to determine whether the program might
benefit students. The NRC, a federally financed arm of the National
Academy of Sciences, has called for a multi-district, 10-year
voucher experiment.
WINNING IN THE COURT OF PUBLIC
OPINION
Choice continues to gain acceptance among
some of the nation's most prominent African-American leaders, such
as former Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young, once a prominent aide to
Martin Luther King, Jr., and former Colorado NAACP President Willie
Breazell, who was asked to leave his post recently after publicly
voicing his support for school choice. Breaking with the
educational establishment and its allies can be costly.
However, the most powerful support for the
school choice movement among African-Americans is found at the
grass roots, particularly among African-American parents. In its
1999 annual poll, for example, the Joint Center for Political and
Economic Studies found that support for choice among blacks is at
an all-time high: 60 percent. This includes two-thirds of black
baby boomers and over 70 percent of blacks under 35.
Support is growing among educators as
well. An annual poll by Phi Delta Kappa, a professional association
of educators, recently revealed that support for vouchers rose from
45 percent in 1994 to 51 percent this past year. Similarly, among
parents of public school students, the number has risen from 51
percent in 1994 to 60 percent today.
Nevertheless, confusion about school
choice and what it can do for children's education also abounds.
For example, in spite of the widespread debate on the issue, a
recent report by Public Agenda, a public opinion research
organization, found that 60 percent of parents in Milwaukee and
Cleveland either know very little or nothing about school choice
programs.
THE CHALLENGES AHEAD
The
three states to watch during the coming year are Connecticut,
Michigan, and California.
-
In Connecticut, Governor John
Rowland has called for a $500 tax break for parents with children
in private and religious schools. "School choice increases
competition and raises expectations," Governor Rowland said in his
February 9 state of the state address.
-
In Michigan, school choice
advocates have collected the 302,711 signatures required by the
state to place a school choice initiative on this November's
ballot. The proposed
constitutional amendment would repeal a prohibition against K-12
vouchers and tuition tax credits while leaving in place a ban
against direct aid to non-public schools. It also would award
children in the state's worst-performing school districts a $3,100
"opportunity scholarship" to help them transfer to private schools.
Philanthropist Richard DeVos and leaders of Detroit's black
community have assumed leadership roles in the campaign for this
initiative, called "Kids First! Yes!"
- In California, Tim Draper, a
Silicon Valley venture capitalist and former Republican-appointed
member of the state board of education, is promoting another
initiative for this fall. The initiative would amend the state
constitution, setting funding for support of public schools at a
"national average dollar per pupil funding amount" and providing a
scholarship of $4,000 to parents who wish to enroll their children
in non-public schools. For parents with children already in private
schools, the full scholarship amount would be phased in over three
years.
In
addition, Congress likely will resurrect a school choice plan for
the District of Columbia. Proposed by House Majority Leader Richard
Armey (R-TX) and Senator Sam Brownback (R-KS), the plan would
provide scholarships to D.C.'s poorest students to attend a public,
private, or religious school of choice in D.C. and its suburbs.
In
addition, a plan by Senator Paul Coverdell (R-GA) to expand
existing education savings accounts for higher education to
students in grades K-12 has been passed by the Senate and is being
considered by the House. And Senator Judd Gregg (R-NH) has won the
approval of the Senate Committee on Health, Education, Labor and
Pensions for a plan that would allow funding under Title I (a
federal program designed to close the achievement gap between rich
and poor students) to follow poor students to a public or private
provider of choice such as, for example, the Sylvan Learning
Centers.
In
New Mexico, Governor Gary Johnson declared in his recent state of
the state address that "What is missing from public education is
not money; what is missing is competition and choice. I call on you
to support the heart and soul of real educational reform, which is
school vouchers." Governor Johnson believes the 2000 elections in
his state will bring in a crop of pro-voucher legislators, making
it easier for him to pass school choice in 2001.
Finally, conservative lawmakers and
minority activists in Colorado plan to promote a Milwaukee-style
pilot program for Denver during the 2001 legislative session. Other
states to watch in 2001 are Texas and Virginia.
CONCLUSION
With
the introduction of the first statewide "money back guarantee"
program in Florida and the rising demand for private scholarship
programs offered by groups like the Children's Scholarship Fund,
the entrenched opposition to school choice is not only losing in
the court of public opinion, but also slowly losing its
bureaucratic stranglehold over the nation's schools and
students.
School choice advocates continue to gain
support from thoughtful leaders on the left and in the civil rights
community while powerful special interests, led by the leaders of
the teachers unions and groups like People for the American Way
(PAW), continue to fight the parents of poor students who want a
better education for their children. PAW's leaders, for example,
rejoiced over a federal judge's ruling in Ohio that prevented poor
students from attending a school of choice three days before the
start of the new school year.
But
the evidence shows that the education establishment and its
political allies are now playing defense. The new millennium is
sure to bring more victories, and 2000 will be a pivotal year for
the school choice movement.
Nina Shokraii Rees is a
former Senior Education Analyst at The Heritage Foundation.



Endnotes