The
just-released annual report of the Social Security Trust Fund's
Board of Trustees contains good short-term news but bleak long-term
news. On the positive side, the trustees estimate that the program
will not begin running annual deficits until 2015, compared with
the 2014 estimate in last year's report. They also estimate that
the trust fund will accumulate enough government bonds to pay
Social Security Old-Age and Survivors and Disability Insurance
(OASDI) benefits through 2037--assuming, of course, that future
lawmakers are willing to redeem those IOUs by raising taxes,
cutting benefits, or issuing new debt.
Unfortunately, the improvement in Social
Security's short-term outlook is offset by the continued
deterioration of its long-term forecast. Most important, the
inflation-adjusted cumulative deficit between 2015 and 2075 is now
projected to be $21.6 trillion, up nearly 7 percent compared with
last year's projection. More specifically, the new report shows
higher deficits every year beginning in 2029.
If
lawmakers do not move quickly to modernize the program, Social
Security's staggeringly large long-term deficit will require
draconian changes in public policy. To pay promised benefits, the
OASDI payroll tax rate eventually would need to climb to 18.6
percentage points--49.8 percent higher than the current level.
Alternatively, benefits would have to be cut by 32 percent to keep
the system in balance during the next 75 years.
Opponents of needed reforms claim that
Social Security is in good shape, since the bonds in the trust fund
will enable all benefits to be paid until 2037. In reality,
however, the trust fund contains nothing but IOUs. As the Clinton
Administration explained last year in the fiscal year 2000 budget's
Analytical Perspectives:
These [trust fund] balances are available
to finance future benefits and other trust fund expenditures--but
only in a bookkeeping sense.... They do not consist of real
economic assets that can be drawn down in the future to fund
benefits. Instead, they are claims on the Treasury, that, when
redeemed, will have to be financed by raising taxes, borrowing from
the public, or reducing benefits or other expenditures.
What the Report Really Says.
Notwithstanding Pollyanna assertions that Social Security is
structurally sound, the trustees' report is a combination of
distressing statistics and ominous numbers. For instance:
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Social Security spending will exceed
projected tax collections in 2015. These deficits will quickly
balloon to alarming proportions. Even after adjusting for
inflation, annual deficits will reach $100 billion in 2021, $200
billion in 2026, and $300 billion in 2034.
-
Between 2015 and 2075, the cumulative
unfunded liability in today's dollars is projected to be $21.6
trillion. This is more than six times larger than the national debt
and 7 percent larger than last year's estimate. (In nominal terms,
the long-run deficit is a stunning $134 trillion.)
-
Comparing this year's and last year's
reports, the estimated inflation-adjusted deficit in 2075 alone has
jumped from $575 billion to $651 billion--an increase of more than
13 percent.
-
The real long-term deficit would be even
larger than $21.6 trillion if the trustees' report included
estimates for the annual deficits after 2075. Between 2065 and
2075, annual inflation-adjusted deficits will climb from $530
billion to $651 billion. Demographic data suggest that the upward
trend will continue after 2075.
-
According to independent experts, the
cumulative shortfall is about $2 trillion worse than the above
numbers suggest, since the trustees count the payroll taxes of
federal employees as real revenue flows. In reality, no money
changes hands. The government simply creates an accounting entry
within Social Security that is offset by accounting debits across
the federal workforce.
What the Report Means.
One thing is clear: Doing nothing is not a responsible option if
Social Security is to be preserved for future generations. Delay
will simply make the problem worse. To keep the current system
afloat without reform, politicians would have to choose from the
following unpleasant options:
-
Boost the payroll tax by nearly 50
percent, which would mean the burden on workers would rise from
12.4 percent today to nearly 18.6 percent in the future.
-
Reduce promised benefits by nearly
one-third, cutting future retirement checks by 32 percent.
-
Sharply increase the retirement age,
forcing workers to pay into the system--and defer collecting full
benefits--until they are into their seventies.
None
of these options is attractive. Higher tax rates would have an
adverse impact on the economy, and benefit reductions would punish
those who assume the government would keep its side of the
retirement benefits contract. (The Supreme Court has ruled that
workers have no right to promised Social Security benefits.)
Perhaps more important, while all of these options--at least on
paper--could solve Social Security's looming financial crisis, they
all would exacerbate its other crisis by making the program an even
worse deal for workers. More specifically, raising taxes or cutting
benefits means that Social Security's already meager "rate of
return" would decline further. For some groups that are already
disadvantaged by the current system because of shorter life
expectancies, such as African-Americans, the return on payroll
taxes would drop well below zero.
The
only way to solve Social Security's two crises simultaneously is to
allow workers to shift some portion of their payroll taxes into
personal accounts. This would reduce the program's long-run
deficit, since workers would be able to retire using the funds they
accumulate in their private accounts. And since these accounts
would take advantage of the compounding returns of private
investment, workers would enjoy a safer and more comfortable
retirement. The trustees' report shows that only structural reform
of this kind can save the program.
Daniel J. Mitchell,
Ph.D., is McKenna Senior Fellow in Political Economy in the
Thomas A. Roe Institute for Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage
Foundation.