Now
that the ABM Treaty is due to expire, the biggest threat to rapid
development and deployment of an effective missile defense system
for America may be the Senate. During a March 13 hearing on missile
defense, for example, Senator Jack Reed (D-RI), chairman of the
Senate Subcommittee on Strategic Forces, made the mistaken
assertion that the strength of America's military technology is due
in large measure to the Defense Department's "existing disciplined
and proven policies for acquisition and oversight." This assessment
is well off the mark. In reality, the defense acquisition process
is bureaucratic, cumbersome, expensive, and slow, in no small part
because of political pressure from Congress. Technological advances
have occurred despite these problems. In January, Secretary of
Defense Donald Rumsfeld decided to expedite the fielding of an
effective missile defense by freeing the Missile Defense Agency
(MDA) from some of the burdens imposed by the acquisition
process.
Regrettably, the Senate may reverse this
wise approach with the fiscal 2003 Defense Authorization Bill. The
bill, reported out of the Senate Armed Services Committee on May
15, includes provisions drafted by Senator Reed's subcommittee that
limit the MDA's discretion and impose over $800 million in missile
defense program cuts. Specifically targeted for reduction are the
Sea-Based and Ground-Based Midcourse missile defense systems, the
Space Boost-Phase experiment, and the Space-Based Laser program.
Restraining the MDA from aggressively pursuing advances in
important technologies such as these would have an irresponsible
and unintended consequence: increasing America's vulnerability to
missile attack.
Secretary Rumsfeld's decision to give the
MDA greater managerial discretion to acquire an effective missile
defense system is entirely appropriate given the growing threat
from ballistic missiles. A business-as-usual approach will not
suffice for such an exceptional program. Instead, a streamlined
acquisition process would allow the Pentagon to demonstrate its
ability to deploy a very complex array of technologies more quickly
and at less cost than the standard process allows. In addition, it
could serve as a model for improving the general defense
acquisition process, which may be constraining other
high-technology weapons programs.
Why Missile
Defense Acquisition Needs a Streamlined Approach. The
priority the Administration places on missile defense is
appropriate because the nation has no capability of defending its
territory and people against missile attacks. Additionally, as
ballistic missiles and weapons of mass destruction proliferate to
rogue states, they become better able to threaten America as well
as security in every region of the world. In such an increasingly
hostile environment, even a system with limited defense
capabilities has value.
Deploying missile defense for America will
involve developing, procuring, and integrating a variety of
independent systems, including command and control, sensors, and
interceptors, into a "system of systems." But the current
acquisition process is not designed to manage a program of this
complexity; it is designed to manage the acquisition of a single
model of aircraft, tank, or ship. Deploying missile defenses is far
more involved than determining whether one type of tactical
aircraft is more capable than another. Further, the evolving
missile threat may necessitate pushing new technology into the
field before it has passed all the requirements of the acquisition
process.
Deploying new technology in this way is
not novel. In the war in Afghanistan, the U.S. military has
deployed Global Hawk unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) even though
this technology is still in development. The success of the UAV in
the operation against al-Qaeda shows that new technology can make
vital contributions in the battlefield. Few would argue that
deploying the Global Hawk was too risky because it had not cleared
the acquisition process. The greater risk would have been in not
deploying it.
Serious Defects
in the Standard Acquisition Process. Though problems with
the defense acquisition process are not new, they have persisted
largely because much of the process and its costs are linked to
paperwork requirements. Ambassador Henry Cooper, director of the
former Strategic Defense Initiative Organization (SDIO), wrote
about such costs in his January 1993 "End of Tour Report." In 1991,
according to Ambassador Cooper, fulfilling the paperwork
requirements of cautious acquisition administrators during a
six-month period of oversight of the Theater High Altitude Area
Defense (THAAD) system required 75,000 government labor hours, more
than 250,000 contractor labor hours, and more than a ton of
supporting documentation, at a cost of over $22 million--money not
used to conduct tests or build weapons. Costs like these are not
routinely tracked.
Behind this kind of extreme oversight is
an ingrained "risk averse" mindset--the predictable result of a
political process that rewards caution and penalizes innovation and
risk-taking. Secretary Rumsfeld is taking steps to change that
mentality, but Congress must realize that it also is part of the
problem. While it is inappropriate to expect no oversight by
Congress, too often Congress has yielded to political pressure to
categorize failed development tests as reasons to cancel a program
or conduct a highly visible hearing on its shortcomings. Program
managers could easily conclude that it is in their best interest to
be cautious and avoid controversy. But as Ambassador Cooper found,
the cost of doing only what is necessary to avoid controversy can
be astronomical.
Conclusion. Forcing the Secretary of
Defense to restrain the MDA's development and deployment of new
technologies without allowing him to reform the acquisition process
will increase the likelihood that an effective missile defense will
not be fielded in a timely fashion. Making the MDA use the same
cautious, risk-averse approach to acquisition that has hobbled
weapons programs in the past is irresponsible, given the real and
growing threat of missile attack. MDA acquisition administrators
should be less concerned about controversy and more concerned about
fielding an effective defense.
Members of Congress should not consider
steps that would undermine the efforts of Secretary Rumsfeld to
enable the MDA to proceed aggressively toward missile defense. They
also should not try to second guess every decision the MDA makes
during development. And when it takes up the Defense Authorization
Bill in June, the Senate should adopt amendments that restore the
$800 million to the missile defense budget and preserve the MDA's
discretion to manage this program. Americans want protection from
weapons of mass destruction, and Congress should not create
barriers to that protection. Instead, it should remove any
restraints that remain.
--Baker Spring is F. M. Kirby
Research Fellow in National Security Policy in the Kathryn and
Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The
Heritage Foundation.