WASHINGTON, May 23,
2002-Increasingly, just as tort lawyers seek to make claims of
negligence out of virtually any mishap that befalls their clients,
Congress has enacted criminal penalties for regulatory matters
involving relatively minor infractions.
This trend has become so troubling that officials at The
Heritage Foundation have announced a new program today to examine
the extent to which such "over-criminalization" erodes public
confidence in the justice system and erects a costly impediment to
doing business in America.
Heritage, a public policy research institute based in
Washington, D.C., plans to take a lead role in fighting what former
U.S. Attorney General Edwin Meese III called "bracket-creep across
the spectrum of allegedly wrongful acts."
Meese, the chairman of Heritage's Center for Legal and Judicial
Studies, said that moral wrongs-formerly punishable by peer
pressure or social ostracism-have become civil wrongs, leading to
an explosion in civil litigation. And now, he said, "Regulations
promulgated and enforced by unaccountable bureaucrats have
transformed many civil wrongs into criminal wrongs, causing
fundamentally unfair prosecutions that our new project will
endeavor to stop."
The Heritage initiative, headed up Paul Rosenzweig, a former
federal prosecutor who worked in Independent Counsel Kenneth
Starr's office, will highlight abuse of the criminal process, call
for state and federal laws to curb the power of regulators and
other non-elected government workers to decide what is criminal and
whom should be prosecuted, and sponsor conferences and research
examining the misuse of the criminal process.
The program, Rosenzweig said, will seek to "roll back the
deterioration of time-honored principles of the rule of law that
has taken place in recent years." Traditionally in English common
law, what was illegal-punishable by criminal sanctions-was limited
to sufficiently serious and inherently bad acts, and judges
interpreted criminal statutes as narrowly as possible and resolved
any ambiguity in favor of defendants, Rosenzweig said. The U.S.
Constitution enshrined this tradition in the Fourth, Fifth and
Sixth Amendments, he said.
However, Congress and state legislatures have begun to blur the
differences and to punish civil violations and regulatory matters
as crimes, Rosenzweig said. For instance, of the 3,000 federal
crimes on the books, more than a third (1,200) have been created
since 1970, and few of the new crimes have anything to do with
traditional federal offenses such as bribery, theft or
counterfeiting, he said.
Indeed, Congress sometimes makes it a criminal offense to
violate agency regulations that have not yet been promulgated,
Rosenzweig said, which gives bureaucrats the power to criminalize
whatever they think is necessary.
"The reasoning behind this approach is four-fold," Rosenzweig
said. "It enables politicians to appear to be 'doing something.' It
helps prosecutors get publicity. It lets agency officials gain
authority and job security. And it allows activist groups to gain
ground against business interests." The legal problem, he noted, is
that "it also renders unnecessary any proof of criminal intent, a
key element to prosecution in the English and American
systems."
As part of Heritage's new program, the organization plans to:
remind academic and political leaders of the historical and moral
foundations of criminal law; document the trend toward
over-criminalization; change how prosecutors choose which cases to
press, and calculate the societal costs of misuses of the criminal
process.
"Absent coordinated opposition and principled leadership, the
trend of excess criminalization will continue, further eroding the
personal freedoms and economic liberties we hold dear as
Americans," said Meese. "We are optimistic this project will take a
substantial first step toward reversing this insidious trend and
restore the proper foundations of criminal law."