National security decisions made over the
next four years will have ramifications for the global war on
terrorism and define how prepared the United States is for a
dangerous and unpredictable future. The presidential candidates
disagree on a number of high-stakes issues, including nuclear
deterrence, ballistic missile defense (BMD), base realignment and
closure (BRAC), and permanent troop increases.
Nuclear
Deterrence. One of the starkest contrasts between the
candidates is over an issue that may also be most important: how
best to maintain a credible, reliable, effective nuclear
deterrent.
President George W. Bush has undertaken a
comprehensive approach to deterrence modernization, recognizing
that the strategic environment has changed significantly. Instead
of relying on massive quantities of large nuclear weapons, the Bush
Administration is developing a deterrent based on nuclear weapons,
strategic defenses, and conventional weapons. This shift has
allowed President Bush to agree with Russia to reduce deliverable
warheads safely down to 1,700-2,200.
President Bush's plan also recognizes that
the new strategic environment may require new types of nuclear
weapons. These weapons would increase deterrence against rogue
states with weapons of mass destruction (WMD). America's Cold War
nuclear force may not credibly deter a Kim Jong-il who might
calculate that the United States would not destroy an entire
country because of his actions. A nuclear weapon that could
threaten his regime alone and his WMD facilities could be a very
powerful deterrent. While the Bush Administration has yet to fund
the research and development of a new nuclear weapon, it has
resourced the Advanced Concepts program and the Robust Nuclear
Earth Penetrator programs, both of which are integral to
modernizing America's nuclear deterrent.
Senator John Kerry (D-MA) opposes
strategic defenses, the Advanced Concepts Program, and the Robust
Nuclear Earth Penetrator program. Kerry also voted for the
Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, which would have undermined the
long-term health of U.S. nuclear forces.
Base Realignment
and Closure. As proposed by President Bush, the 2005
Defense Authorization bill would extend BRAC.
Senator Kerry has said that he would fight
to stop BRAC:
In my first day in office, I will instruct
my secretary of defense to conduct a long-range review of the
nation's military force structure needs. And until that review is
done, I will not appoint a Base Closure Commission. We shouldn't be
wasting resources with excess bases, but we also have to know what
our future needs will be at home and around the world.
Senator Kerry's argument has at least two
flaws. First, it implicitly assumes that the Pentagon cannot fully
comprehend future infrastructure requirements while the U.S. armed
forces are fighting a war and undergoing systemic changes. While
the Pentagon's transformation efforts include a number of force
structure and other relevant reviews, these do not preclude moving
forward with BRAC. Furthermore, during previous BRAC rounds, the
U.S. military operated at an extremely high operations tempo, and
those rounds were quite successful. Second, the argument
inexplicably assumes that yet another review--after years of almost
continuous reviews--would significantly increase the Pentagon's
understanding of future needs.
Previous BRAC rounds have saved over $17
billion with recurring annual savings of $7 billion. Another BRAC
round could save another $3 billion per year by eliminating surplus
facilities. This money would be spent more wisely on better
weapons, more supplies, and higher pay for America's troops.
Ballistic
Missile Defense. Ballistic missile defense is a central
tenet of President Bush's national security policy. He has moved
the U.S. beyond the Cold War-era Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty of
1972, which prevented America from defending itself, and doubled
investment in missile defenses. As a result, America will soon be
able to defend itself from missile attack when the BMD test bed
facility becomes operational.
Senator Kerry has criticized the President
for focusing too much on BMD and argues that rapid deployment of
defenses would constitute "wasted" money. Regrettably, Iran and
North Korea have not taken similar approaches to their offensive
forces. Indeed, they are on the fast track to building long-range
ballistic missile and nuclear forces. In 1998, North Korea tested
its Taepo Dong-1 rocket, which could easily be converted to an
intercontinental ballistic missile, and Iran has one of the largest
and most capable ballistic missile programs in the Middle East.
Permanent Troop
Increases. President Bush opposes permanent troop
increases.
Senator Kerry says that 40,000 additional
troops are needed and would fund them with money from other
priorities (thereby maintaining a "neutral budget"), such as
"streamlin[ing] various large weapons programs" and "further
reforming the acquisition process." However, the Bush
Administration is already doing much of this streamlining and
reforming, as authorized by the 2004 Defense Authorization Act, on
which, ironically, Senator Kerry did not even vote.
Budget realities, however, dictate that
funding 40,000 additional permanent troops would cost $4 billion to
$5 billion, requiring either increased defense spending or cuts in
the very initiatives in defense research and development that Kerry
would use to produce the savings to pay for the additional
troops.
Ultimately, the United States may need a
permanent increase in troop strength to meet all of its defense
needs, but that step should wait until existing forces are deployed
more efficiently. In the meantime, the temporary troop increase
should be maintained. If the United States does need a permanent
increase, then Congress should appropriate additional funds to pay
for it.
Conclusion. In no recent presidential
election has national security been so important, nor have the
major candidates ever been so diametrically opposed on such an
array of national security issues that will have such far-reaching
implications. For these reasons, it is extremely important that all
American voters be fully aware of where each candidate stands.
Jack Spencer is Senior
Policy Analyst for Defense and National Security in the Kathryn and
Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The
Heritage Foundation.