On December 15,
the Federal Communications Commission is expected to vote on
regulations requiring telephone companies to lease, or "unbundle,"
parts of their networks to competitors. If this triggers a sense of
déjà vu, it should. The FCC has adopted rules
on this subject three times since 1996-and all three times the
rules have been struck down by the courts as overreaching.
On this fourth
try, the FCC needs to get it right. This means limiting mandatory
unbundling rules to markets where competition otherwise could not
feasibly exist. Importantly, any such determination should take
into account competition from new communications services, such as
wireless and Internet telephony. The result would benefit
consumers, as well as avoid an embarrassing fourth defeat for the
FCC in court.
The rules under
consideration stem from the Telecommunications Act of 1996, which
required telephone companies to provide competitors with access to
parts of their networks, such as switches and lines, at rates set
by regulators. Exactly which parts were left to the FCC to decide.
Under the chairmanship of Clinton-appointee Reed Hundt, the FCC
drew up an extremely comprehensive list of such "unbundled network
elements," or UNEs.
In 1999, however,
the Supreme Court knocked down these rules as too far-reaching. The
FCC then issued marginally revised rules. Once again the issue went
to court, and once again, in 2002, the rules were struck down.
In 2003, the FCC
issued a third set of rules, which eased requirements for advanced
broadband services but kept other UNE requirements largely in
place. These rules were adopted over the dissenting vote of
Chairman Michael Powell, a Bush appointee. Predictably enough, this
third set of rules was struck down, although they remain largely in
effect under the FCC's transition plan.
The FCC's upcoming
rulemaking-the agency's fourth bite at this particular apple-comes
in response to this latest court ruling. Many, including some
telephone companies who benefit from these regulations, have urged
the Commission to tweak the rules marginally once again and keep
them largely in place. If the rules were significantly scaled back,
these companies argue, their costs would rise significantly,
threatening their businesses.
The FCC should
reject these arguments for several reasons. First, the Commission's
goal should be a competitive marketplace, not the protection of
individual competitors. There is simply no reason to subsidize
favored companies in this market. Despite the image of telecom
challengers as plucky start-ups, the field lobbying in favor of the
thrice-rejected rules also includes some of the largest
communications firms in the nation, such as MCI and AT&T.
But don't the
rules help preserve competition and thus keep consumers' costs
down? Not necessarily. In fact, the UNE rules can undercut real
competition by encouraging potential challengers to lease existing
telecommunications assets rather than construct their own
facilities. The result is a Potemkin sort of competition among
firms all using the same network, rather than real competition
among independent providers each bringing network capacity to the
table. Moreover, the sharing rules discourage incumbent telephone
companies from investing in their existing networks, since they
must share the benefit of any upgrades with their rivals.
In any case, the
Commission's authority to impose broad access regulations is
severely-and rightly-limited by the Telecommunications Act, as
interpreted in the three court cases so far on unbundling. The
cases turned on the language of the Telecommunications Act, which
limits forced unbundling rules to situations in which access to the
incumbent telephone company's network is "necessary" and the
failure to have such access would "impair" a competitor's ability
to offer services. According to these decisions, this language sets
a high bar for the rules.
Thus, for legal
and policy reasons, the Commission should substantially pare back
these regulations so that forced access is required only where
regulatory intervention is required for competition to survive. In
other words, cases where the incumbent telephone company still
holds-and will likely continue to hold-a "natural monopoly" on
service.
Importantly,
forced access should not be required just because a particular
market does not have a competitor. The test should be whether a
market is the kind that can support competition, not whether
there is actually competition at any particular moment. This may
sound odd, but it makes economic sense. Even if no competitors have
yet entered a market, the potential for competition can still
protect consumers. Conversely, FCC rules that mandate access to
existing networks in such markets can themselves actually
discourage such entry from happening.
At the same time,
the FCC should not limit its analysis to any particular type of
service or technology. Many of the strongest challenges to
incumbents are not traditional, wireline-based telephone companies.
Rather, the fastest growing options for consumers are coming from
cable companies offering broadband services, Internet-based
telephone services (which need not use telephone lines at all), and
wireless phones. The FCC, in determining whether markets are
subject to competition, should consider all such "intermodal" forms
of competition.
The end result
would be for most, if not all, elements to be freed from
regulation, including switches and most lines in urban centers.
Depending upon how intermodal competition is assessed, even the
rules on local telephone loops to individual residences could be
lifted.
The battle over
these telecommunications competition rules has now gone on for
eight years, moving from the FCC to the courts and back again three
times. It is time for the FCC to end this regulatory soap opera by
issuing narrow rules that can pass economic and legal muster. For
the UNE rules, the fourth time can and should be the charm.
James L.
Gattuso is Research Fellow in Regulatory Policy in the Thomas A.
Roe Institute for Economic Policy Studies at the Heritage
Foundation.