Congress has
designed a complex and increasingly expensive drug benefit
scheduled to start in 2006. Worse, the Medicare bureaucracy, with
little or no experience in drug benefits, is charged with
administering it. Nonetheless, Medicare officials will soon unveil
a massive regulatory regime governing more than half of the
prescription drugs sold in the United States.
Instead of
saddling unwary American taxpayers with trillions of dollars in
additional debt, Congress can delay implementation of the drug
entitlement until it can explain how it intends to pay for it.
Meanwhile, Congress can target more generous subsidies directly to
the minority of seniors who are without drug coverage using the
existing Medicare drug discount card. This would benefit the needy
and taxpayers alike. It would also correct the stunningly
irresponsible entitlement policy that Congress adopted in 2003.
The Challenge
The congressional
drug program deepens the financial crisis threatening Medicare. It
adds more than $8 trillion to Medicare's unfunded liabilities,
bringing the total to $28 trillion. As the editors of The
Washington Post recently observed, "The administration
initially sought to link moves to constrain Medicare costs with the
prescription drug benefit, but the legislation ended up with a
super-sized new benefit and slimmed-down cost containment measures
that mostly take effect-if they work-years down the road."
In her April 8,
2004, testimony before the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee,
former Medicare Administrator Gail Wilensky said that "The Medicare
Prescription Drug Bill, known as the Medicare Modernization Act
(MMA), represents the largest, most expensive and most complicated
set of changes to the Medicare program since its inception."
The clock is
ticking: On October 1, 2005, Medicare's beneficiary education
program begins; on November 1, 2005, the initial enrollment of
Medicare beneficiaries begins; and on January 1, 2006, the Medicare
drug program must be up and running. In the meantime, Medicare
regulators must soon tackle big tasks in their final rules. To name
just a few:
-
Get
Medicare patients' drug spending right. After a Medicare
beneficiary's initial payment of a monthly premium and a $250
deductible (both indexed to rising drug costs), Medicare provides a
government contribution of 75 percent of all drug costs up to
$2,250. Above that amount, the Medicare beneficiary pays 100
percent out of pocket for all drug costs: the "doughnut hole,"
amounting to $3,600. After this dollar threshold is reached,
Medicare pays 95 percent of all catastrophic costs.
In order to enforce the law, Medicare officials will have to keep
track of premium payments, subsidies for low-income persons, the
deductibles, and all "legitimate" out-of-pocket spending. Under the
law, not all out-of-pocket spending will qualify toward the
statutory catastrophic limits. As former Medicare Administrator
Nancy-Anne DeParle told the Senate Governmental Affairs Committee
in her April 8, 2004, testimony, "It can be done, but it is not
simple. And if it's not done perfectly, millions of beneficiaries
and pharmacists will be calling CMS [the Centers for Medicare and
Medicaid Services] and Congress to complain."
-
Get drug
formulary rules right. The new Medicare law says that drug
plans must include at least two drugs in each "therapeutic category
and class" in their formularies, or lists of available drugs, and
the Secretary of Health and Human Services is authorized to
disapprove drug plans or formularies that discriminate against
certain beneficiaries. What constitutes a category or class is not
defined in the statute. Along with many other complex details, this
is left to Medicare regulators.
The question is whether the final rules will define categories or
classes of drugs broadly or narrowly. For plans, the issue is
whether the rules will enable them to secure significant price
discounts. For retirees, the issue is whether the rules will
protect them against overly restrictive lists or inappropriate drug
substitution. While Medicare officials can doubtless administer
formulary rules, it is unlikely they can do so without opening up
new avenues for additional regulation, contentious litigation, and
additional congressional micromanagement.
-
Get the drug
subsidies to employers right. The new Medicare law provides for
$71 billion worth of taxpayer subsidies over 10 years to employers
to keep them from dropping retiree coverage. To get the taxpayer
subsidies, corporate benefits managers must offer retiree drug
coverage that is worth at least as much as the new congressional
drug benefit. Federal regulators will have to determine that an
employer's coverage is "actuarially equivalent," and this
determination will be crucial in employers' decisions this year
whether to retain, drop, or scale back their retirees' drug
coverage.
The Congressional Budget Office estimates that in 2006, 2.7 million
retirees will lose their existing employer-based drug coverage;
other estimates, based on government documents, are as high as 3.8
million.
While congressional leaders routinely describe the drug benefit as
"voluntary," the level and quality of seniors' drug coverage will
be determined not by seniors themselves, but by government
officials and former employers.
-
Get
federal-state coordination on Medicaid patients right. The
Medicare law will provide Medicare drug coverage to more than 6
million seniors ("dual eligibles") who today get their coverage
under state-run Medicaid programs. On January 1, 2006, Medicaid
"matching funds" for dual eligibles' drug coverage will cease; they
must, therefore, be enrolled in the new Medicare program.
In the meantime, state officials must train their own staffs on the
provisions of the new law and develop and implement their own plans
to help dual eligibles make the transition into the new Medicare
drug program. This includes educating these seniors and helping
them to enroll in a new prescription drug plan so that they can
secure income-related federal subsidies for their benefits. It also
means that state officials must identify these persons and
determine and confirm their eligibility, exchanging data and
information with the Social Security Administration. Meanwhile,
they must determine the future role for their own state pharmacy
assistance programs: for example, whether to offer "wrap around"
coverage for the new Medicare drug benefit. Altogether, these will
be formidable tasks.
Conclusion
Medicare officials
will soon finalize a mammoth regulatory regime for the
implementation of Congress's drug program. This will reignite the
bitter Medicare debate, increase the volume of complaints to
Congress, increase the pressure for even more congressional
micromanagement, and accelerate the imposition of price controls on
prescription drugs.
None of this is
necessary. Roughly three out of four seniors today have drug
coverage. The new congressional drug benefit will crowd out
existing drug coverage for millions of senior citizens.
Instead of
disrupting the lives of millions of seniors, Congress can delay
this process. And in the meantime, Congress can tell American
taxpayers how precisely they will pay for the new drug entitlement,
while still targeting generous federal subsidies to the minority of
seniors without drug coverage, using the recently created Medicare
discount drug card.
It's still not too
late for a strong dose of common sense and fiscal
responsibility.
Robert E. Moffit,
Ph.D., is Director of the Center for Health Policy Studies at The
Heritage Foundation.