In the next few
months, the United Nations General Assembly is expected to consider
several proposals to expand the U.N. Security Council from the
current 15 members.
The problems of the United Nations are myriad, but few would be
resolved by expansion of the Security Council. The Bush
Administration has stated that expansion should only be considered
if it does not impede the effectiveness of the Council.
However, even a modest expansion of the Council fails that test in
that it would undermine the Council's effectiveness, dilute U.S.
influence in the Council, and likely result in a Council more
hostile to the United States on many key issues. The
Administration's should work with Congress to clearly state U.S.
opposition to any expansion of the Security Council.
Voting Record in the General
Assembly
The voting records
of the key Security Council contenders-Brazil, Egypt, Germany,
India, Japan, Nigeria, and South Africa are the lead contenders for
new permanent seats-should be cause for concern to the Bush
Administration as it considers expansion of the Council. Analysis
of actual votes (not including consensus votes) in the General
Assembly over a six-year period (1999 to 2004) reveals that five of
the leading candidates voted against the United States more than
50% of the time on average. The votes are compiled annually by the
U.S. Department of State.
Only Germany (55%)
and Japan (50%), voted with the U.S. at least half the time.
Brazil, the only contender from Latin America, voted with the U.S.
just 29% of the time, while India, often touted as a major future
ally of the United States, voted alongside the United States just
20% of the time. The record of the three leading African contenders
for Security Council seats is equally poor. Nigeria and South
Africa voted just 25% of the time with the U.S., while Egypt, a
huge beneficiary of American aid, only managed to side with the
U.S. in 18% of the votes.

Voting Record on Key Issues
Every year the
State Department identifies key votes in the U.N. General
Assembly of fundamental national interest. Support for the U.S.
voting position on key issues over the past five years among the
key Security Council contenders has been low (Brazil, Nigeria,
South Africa, India, and Egypt) to middling (Japan and Germany).
South Africa and Nigeria voted against the U.S. position on average
80% of the time in key votes between 2000 and 2004. India voted
with the U.S. just 19% of the time, and Egypt in just 16% of votes.
The Brazilian record was slightly better, voting 35% of the time
alongside the U.S. The U.S. did not receive a single vote of
support from Brazil, Nigeria, South Africa, India, or Egypt on any
key vote in 2001. While the voting record of Germany and Japan is
considerably stronger (Germany voted with the U.S. 64% of the time,
and Japan 66% of the time), their voting coincidence can hardly be
considered reliable.
Worse than the
actual record is the fact that these countries' opposition to U.S.
priorities is increasing. Germany, Japan, Brazil, South Africa, and
Nigeria have sharply reduced their level of support for the US on
key votes since 1999. In 2004, Nigeria, India, South Africa, and
Egypt voted with the U.S. on just two occasions in key votes, and
Brazil on only three votes. Germany and Japan's record was slightly
better, with four out of ten votes in alignment with the U.S.
The record speaks for itself. If
these countries gain permanent seats on the Security Council,
support for U.S. proposals would be unlikely to increase.
Conclusion
It is in the U.S.
national interest to have a Security Council that is lean and
effective and able to play a positive role on the international
stage. Current proposals to expand the Security Council are likely
to have the opposite effect and will undoubtedly weaken and dilute
the Council's ability to act effectively in the face of growing
threats to international security.
Security Council
expansion will also make it far more difficult for the United
States to work through the Council. With the exception of Germany
and Japan, the voting records of all the other main contenders for
Security Council positions indicate that they are likely to vote
against the U.S. on most key issues likely to come before the
Council. This will result in a larger, more unwieldy Security
Council that is likely to be less supportive of U.S. policy
priorities. Worse, an expanded Council would be subject to greater
gridlock that will paralyze the Council and decrease the
probability that it will act quickly or effectively to address
threats to international peace and security. The ultimate result
will be to make the Security Council less relevant and increase the
likelihood that crises will need to be addressed outside of the
U.N. framework.
Nile Gardiner, Ph.D., is
Fellow in Anglo-American Security Policy in the Douglas and Sarah
Allison Center for Foreign Policy of the Shelby and Kathryn Cullom
Davis Institute for International Studies, and Brett D. Schaefer is
Research Fellow in International Regulatory Affairs in the Center
for International Trade and Economics (CITE), at The Heritage
Foundation. Heritage Research Associate Anthony Kim and Heritage
Intern Sarah Liston contributed to research for this
paper.