Since 9/11, Congress
has struggled to pass legislation to limit the danger from
terrorist attacks that exploit the country's chemical
infrastructure (e.g., manufacturing and storage facilities and the
pipelines, trucks, and rail cars that transport chemicals). A
law is needed, but Congress needs to remember that chemicals are an
integral part of American life. Trying to "childproof" the
United States against every conceivable vulnerability that
terrorists could exploit in the chemical infrastructure would
be both impossible and counterproductive. Common-sense
legislation that focuses on catastrophic threats is warranted.
Otherwise, the government should focus its efforts on finding and
stopping terrorist groups rather than hamstringing industries that
are integral to the U.S. economy.
Getting Realistic
About the Threat. Since chemicals are
everywhere, the opportunities for terrorists are almost infinite.
Tanker trucks, rail cars, ships, pipelines, barrels of poisons
carried in trucks, other hazardous materials, and chemical
manufacturing and storage facilities are all potential weapons
in the hands of a terrorist. In addition to striking industrial
entities, small-scale attacks could use an arsenal of contaminants
and toxins that are available to virtually anyone or "secured" in
areas with little or no security. Fuels, pesticides, and solvents
can all be used as poisons and contaminants. In fact,
terrorist groups overseas are showing a growing tendency to use
readily available materials to conduct strikes. Such a major
al-Qaeda attack was recently foiled in Jordan.
However, there are
good reasons not to treat all threats equally.
The U.S. frequently
deals with events similar to the consequences of a low-level
terrorist attack. America's chemical
safety record is not bad, but transportation corridors are
still the scenes of numerous hazardous material incidents-in some
cases, up to 40 percent of the accidents recorded in
individual states. Indeed, chemical accidents, fires, and
spills-many causing death and property damage-are hardly an
unknown occurrence anywhere in the United States. Many happen
near densely populated areas. A study of chemical releases in New
York over a five-year period found that more than half were near
residences. Seventy-five percent occurred within one-quarter
mile of a household. Chemical accidents throughout the United
States have caused significant damage. From 1986 to 1999,
releases from pipelines caused an average of 23 fatalities, 113
injuries, and $68 million in damage per year. Responders routinely
deal with such hazardous-material incidents.
In many cases,
open-air chemical attacks, unless they involve truly massive
amounts of material, are a poor choice for
terrorists.Achieving the right
environmental conditions for a lethal attack against a large
open-area target is difficult. In high temperatures, the
chemicals will evaporate. In the cold, they will condense and
fall to the ground. High winds will disperse chemicals rapidly.
Complex, urban terrain can also significantly alter the
dispersal pattern of chemical agents. These unpredictable
factors make such attacks less attractive to terrorists.
What the Federal
Government Should Worry About. Some potential threats
need attention. In 1984, a chemical release from a pesticide
factory in a suburb of Bhopal, India, sickened 200,000 people and
killed 2,500. This accident demonstrates the potential effects
of a deliberate attack. An Environmental Protection Agency (EPA)
survey of 15,000 chemical facilities found that in a worst-case
scenario, a toxic chemical release could affect an average of
40,247 people.
Worrying about every
worst-case scenario is probably not realistic, especially since
most of them are highly improbable, but caution is warranted
in some cases. There are likely a few hundred facilities in
the United States where a widespread release might have truly
catastrophic results. These should be the focus of
legislation.
Getting Realistic
About Security. The U.S. needs
legislation that requires the private sector to implement
reasonable measures to reduce the likelihood of catastrophic
chemical disasters. The legislation should:
Establish
requirements
only for critical chemical infrastructure of national
significance where a disaster might cause catastrophic damage. The
rest of the industry should continue to follow voluntary
guidelines.
Create
performance-based
requirements for the chemical infrastructure modeled on the
requirements for maritime infrastructure instituted by the
Maritime Transportation and Security Act. Appropriate measures
would include requiring vulnerability assessments, security plans,
and security officers but would allow the private sector to
determine the best way to implement its security.
Call for plans to address
access control, perimeter security, and security of critical
areas.
Require
periodic testing
of security and response plans.
Require
the Department
of Homeland Security (DHS) to approve and periodically audit
vulnerability assessments and security plans.
Task the DHS with
establishing training standards for security officers and
requiring background checks for key security
personnel.
Establish
penalties for
noncompliance.
Direct
the EPA to
establish national standards for the transport of hazardous
materials (HAZMAT). The EPA should specify which hazardous
materials and what amounts are highly dangerous. The requirement
for background checks for all HAZMAT transporters should be
eliminated. Instead, background checks should be required only for
individuals transporting highly dangerous materials.
Require
the DHS to
coordinate chemical security polices with the EPA and the
Department of Transportation.
Conclusion. It is long past
time for a common-sense law on chemical security. It is
inconceivable to think that the United States might well mark the
fifth anniversary of the 9/11 attacks without having addressed
this vital issue. It is time for Congress to act
responsibly.
James Jay Carafano,
Ph.D., is Senior Research Fellow for National Security
and Homeland Security in the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for
Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom
Davis Institute for International Studies, at The Heritage
Foundation.