As the House of
Representatives takes up debate on the budget resolution, Members
should extend their focus beyond the short term budget window of
2011 to the real problem of long-term spending. Any serious budget
proposal must not only rein in spending today but also tackle the
problem posed by growing entitlement programs. Focusing on the
deficit is no solution because it treats spending cuts the same as
tax hikes and overlooks the significance of the entitlements. Of
the four budget plans released by the Administration and Congress,
three trim spending only at the margins and would not resolve the
long-term spending crisis. Only the House Republican Study
Committee's budget proposal, which holds down future spending
growth, especially in entitlements, seriously addresses long-term
spending issues.
The Four
Budget Proposals

The Long Term
Federal spending
has skyrocketed over the past five years, and this growth will
accelerate if Congress and the President do not develop serious
long-term solutions. In fiscal year (FY) 2007, the federal
government is set to spend about $2.8 trillion, or 20 percent of
the country's gross domestic product (GDP). The three major
entitlements-Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security-currently
consume nearly half of all federal spending and will take a larger
bite each year, as the baby boomers enter retirement. Nominal
Medicare spending will be 519 percent higher in 2030 than it is
today, leading the federal budget to consume 27 percent of GDP.
[1]
Government spending will hit about 38 percent of GDP by 2050.[2]
Factor in state and local government, and total government spending
will reach about 50 percent of GDP, higher than in France and
Germany today. It is no coincidence that countries with such
stifling government sectors often suffer from double-digit
unemployment and economic stagnation. Lawmakers must focus on this
risk when writing the annual budget.
The President's
Budget

President George
W. Bush's budget proposal[3]
would shave a small amount of non-defense discretionary spending
but would do little to reduce the growth of the three massive
entitlement programs-Medicare, Medicaid, and Social Security. The
President's proposal would allow discretionary spending to increase
to $873 billion, $30 billion above the 2006 level. To this end, the
President would eliminate or significantly cut 141 failed,
wasteful, or outdated programs, for $15 billion in FY 2007 savings.
On the mandatory side, the President calls for small cuts,
proposing about $65 billion in net savings from 2007 through
2011-roughly $36 billion from Medicare and $5 billion from Medicaid
and SCHIP. On its present course, Medicare is expected to grow 70
percent from 2005 through 2011. President Bush's plan would reduce
this growth to 66 percent. [4]
That's not nearly enough to solve the long-term problem.
The Senate
Budget Resolution

The Senate-passed FY 2007 budget resolution[5]
does not include any real savings in mandatory spending. The
resolution even manages to increase discretionary spending well
above the President's proposed ceiling of $873 billion. While the
Senate resolution shows $3 billion in mandatory "savings," this is
actually new revenue from ANWR and not a reduction in government.
Even worse, the resolution proposes $9 billion in new discretionary
spending, as well as a $7 billion budget "gimmick" aimed at
increasing education, health, and labor spending.
The House
Budget Resolution

The House's FY
2007 budget blueprint,[6]expected
to be considered on the House floor later this week, proposes $6.75
billion in mandatory savings, which come in part from raising user
fees, such as health care co-payments. Unlike the Senate's
resolution, the House's remains within the President's proposed
$873 billion discretionary ceiling. While the House budget
resolution does not raise spending, it does not address the
long-term spending problem.
The RSC Budget
Proposal

The House
Republican Study Committee (RSC) proposal[7]
contains substantial discretionary savings and would reduce
entitlement-spending growth to sustainable levels. The RSC proposal
would save nearly $312 billion in non-defense discretionary
spending by eliminating 150 wasteful and outdated programs,
striking all pork projects from the recent highway bill, and
reforming education programs. These are significant steps and would
offset the cost of increased spending on budget priorities like
defense and homeland security. The proposal also would reduce the
growth of entitlement spending by $358 billion from 2007 through
2011. These savings come from a variety of serious reforms to
Medicare, Medicaid, and SCHIP. The RSC's plan would slow the growth
of Medicare spending to 5.4 percent and Medicaid spending to 4
percent-around one-half of what those growth rates are today
Conclusion
The solution to
the long-term spending crisis does not lie in the budget proposals
that are currently being debated on the House and Senate floor. The
President's budget would make minor spending reductions at the
margins of long-term spending, while the Senate and House
resolutions would leave steep expected growth in spending virtually
unchanged.
In contrast, the
RSC proposal attacks the long-term spending problem head-on with
savings in both non-defense discretionary and mandatory spending.
The RSC proposal will hold total federal spending at approximately
19 percent of GDP-about even with today's level. Congress and the
President should take the RSC's lead and pay serious attention to
the long-term effects of today's budgets.
Michelle Muccio is
a Research Assistant in, and Alison
Acosta Fraser is Director of, the Thomas A. Roe Institute for
Economic Policy Studies at The Heritage Foundation.
* Methodology: All charts in this paper were generated by the
Heritage Foundation's Interactive Long-Term Budget Calculator,
which is a tool for assessing the impact of policy changes over a
45-year time span. Starting with the Congressional Budget Office's
"Scenerio 2" long-term budget forecast, these long-term projections
are based on the provisions of each proposal and simple estimates,
based on historical budgeting, of each proposal's 45-year impact.
For more information on the Heritage Budget Calculator and its
methodology, please contact the authors of this paper.
[1]For a 50-year spending baseline as well as
additional budget data, see Congressional Budget Office, The
Long-Term Budget Outlook, December 2005, at .
[3]
Office of Management and Budget, Budget of the United States
Government Fiscal Year 2007, Summary Tables.
[5]
See for S. Con. Res. 83.
[6]
See for House
Budget Committee functional summary table.
[7]
Republican Study Committee, RSC FY 2007 Budget: Contract With
America Renewed, March 8, 2006, at .