Spring marks the time
in the fiscal calendar when managers of federal programs and those
who depend on them openly compete for dollars extracted from
taxpayers and borrowed in financial markets. As much as $2.1
trillion will be at stake in this year's federal budget
process. Among the tens of thousands of petitioners seeking a slice
of the federal budget pie will be supporters of Amtrak, who hope to
receive more than the $1.2 billion obtained from Congress in
2005.
As has been the case
since Amtrak's creation in 1970, the executive branch has offered
the least costly bailout proposal. President George W. Bush has
offered the railroad $900 million for fiscal year (FY) 2007, but
with tight strings attached to ensure that meaningful reforms are
adopted.
By contrast, Amtrak has
asked Congress for $1.6 billion, but-encouragingly-has also
promised to begin implementing major reforms similar to those
proposed by Transportation Secretary Norman Mineta in May
2005.[1]
Congress, however,
leans toward the most costly proposal: the Passenger Rail
Investment and Improvement Act of 2005 (S. 1516), sponsored by
Senator Trent Lott (R-MS) and reported out by the Senate Commerce,
Science, and Transportation Committee on October 18, 2005. In
addition to spending $11.3 billion on Amtrak over the next six
years-nearly $1.8 billion in 2007 alone-S. 1516 would change the
federal statutes governing Amtrak's operations and interrupt the
management and operational reforms now underway or promised by
Amtrak's new management.
Of the three proposals,
the President's $900 million is the best choice. Keeping
Amtrak on a tight budget will force its management to take the
necessary steps to reduce excessive costs, implement
operational efficiencies, and improve the quality of the service
provided. Because Amtrak is an independent corporation, its
board has broad powers over the operations of the system, and this
year it should use those powers to the fullest. Firing the former
president was a good start, but much more needs to be done-and done
quickly-to justify the costly burden that Amtrak imposes on the
taxpayers.
Amtrak's Financial
Failings
As Amtrak's most recent
annual report (for the year ending September 31, 2005) reveals, the
railroad's financial and operational problems continue to
worsen, notwithstanding the much ballyhooed leadership of former
president David Gunn, whose mediocre performance and resistance to
reform led to his firing by the board on November 9,
2005.
-
Despite continued
economic expansion and the recovery of the travel market from the
9/11 terrorist attacks, Amtrak's ridership increased by only
1.3 percent in 2005 compared to the 3.6 percent gain recorded by
the domestic airlines.
-
Even among the one-half
of 1 percent (0.5 percent) of America's intercity travelers
who use Amtrak, support seems to be shrinking.
-
During FY 2005,
passenger revenues (tickets and food service) fell slightly while
employee wages increased, marking the second year in a row in which
wage and salary costs exceeded ticket sales.
-
As a result of these
and other cost and revenue deficiencies, Amtrak's loss from
continuing operations was $1.179 billion, down only slightly from
the previous year's $1.214 billion.
The 2005 annual report
also reveals that Amtrak incurs two dollars in costs for every
dollar of ticket sales, thereby requiring more than $1 billion in
annual federal subsidies to cover the losses and remain
solvent.
Congressional hearings
in June 2005 revealed the extent to which Amtrak loses money on
virtually every service that it provides, including the sale
of beer and hamburgers. Although federal law states that Amtrak
"may provide food and beverage service on its trains only if
revenues from the services each year at least equal the cost
of providing the service,"[2] Amtrak food service operations have racked
up huge losses each year.
In 2003, according to
the U.S. Government Accountability Office, Amtrak spent $158.8
million on food and drink that it sold to passengers for $78.4
million, thereby incurring a loss of $80.4 million-more than its
gross revenues on those sales. Moreover, this estimate may actually
understate the loss: According to the Amtrak Inspector
General, Amtrak spends another $50 million annually to operate
and maintain its dining, snack, and lounge cars.
Even Amtrak's
management acknowledges the food service losses. Its April 2005
grant request for FY 2006 describes how, "in an effort to
significantly reduce annual losses from food service operations
that now approach $100 million, Amtrak is evaluating several
options for immediate action."[3] Altogether, financial
losses on food service account for about 20 percent of Amtrak's
annual federal operating subsidy for that year.
In a separate report,
the U.S. Department of Transportation (DOT) Inspector General
concluded:
Our analysis shows that
eliminating sleeper cars, dining cars, entertainment, lounge
seating, [and] checked baggage service on Amtrak's long-distance
routes could save between $375 million and $790 million in
operating savings and $395 million in avoidable planned capital
expenditures over 5 years.[4]
How can a company lose
so much money selling food and renting clean beds? Paying its food
service workers $54,800 per year (plus tips) is part of the
problem. Amtrak's shortage of customers also plays a role. On
average, its trains are less than half full (48.4 percent load
factor in 2005) when they leave the station. Of course, Amtrak
service is nowhere near the level (or cost) offered on most
scheduled airlines. Any passenger on an Amtrak train can confirm
this by asking the conductor for a complimentary coffee or soft
drink, or a pillow and blanket.
The inefficiencies and
incompetence that cause Amtrak's food service losses are present
throughout the system-in the maintenance yards, ticket sales, train
operations, stations, signal and track repair, janitorial services,
and a host of other services that Amtrak attempts to perform. All
of these combine to create huge per passenger losses on some of the
routes that Amtrak inherited from a bygone era predating cars and
airplanes.
In recent years, Amtrak
has attempted to improve service on some long-distance routes in
the hope that rising revenues and more passengers will offset
costs. Such an effort has been applied to the Empire Builder
(Chicago-Seattle/Portland), which passes through some of the
nation's most scenic areas. While this effort[7] led to a big
increase in ridership (9 percent in 2005 on lower-cost tickets),
the route lost $45 million on ticket revenues of $46.4 million,
requiring taxpayers to provide each Empire Builder passenger a
subsidy of $97. For passengers purchasing units in the
sleeping cars, the subsidy was much greater, according to the
Amtrak Inspector General.
In effect, much of
Amtrak's federal subsidy is spent on long-distance routes,
supporting vacations for families and individuals who are
capable of paying for their own recreation and entertainment.
Shutting down these routes or requiring passengers to pay the
full cost of the service would wipe out most of Amtrak's losses in
future years.
Involving States and
the Private Sector in the Solution
The President's 2003
legislative proposal (called the Passenger Rail Investment Reform
Act)[8]
would address this record of poor performance and large federal
subsidies in a number of ways. One key proposal would require the
states served by these routes to participate in their financial
support, guidance, and operation. As the record indicates, existing
Amtrak partnerships with states have yielded significant success in
both increased ridership and reduced need for federal
subsidies.
At present, there are
41 Amtrak routes, of which 19 are operated in partnership with the
states, and these partnership routes carry 35 percent of the entire
system's passengers. During 2005, these 19 partnership routes
experienced an 8 percent increase in ridership, while the 22 routes
operated solely by Amtrak saw ridership fall by a combined 2
percent. Indeed, if not for the state partnership routes, Amtrak
would have experienced a decline in ridership during
2005.
In addition to the
ridership benefits, the state-supported routes impose smaller
burdens on federal taxpayers. Whereas the state routes carry
35 percent of the system's passengers, they account for only 16
percent of its financial losses. Given this extraordinary
difference in performance, congressional resistance to the
President's proposal is both inexplicable and fiscally
irresponsible.
Finally, losses of the
size that Amtrak experiences each year are not unique to rail
service, but rather stem from the archaic socialist model that
Congress imposes on Amtrak. Many other countries have struggled
with the same problem, and most have turned to some form of
privatization to reduce costs and improve service.
-
Japan began to
privatize its passenger rail system in the mid-1980s when
accumulated losses totaled approximately $600 billion.
-
A decade later, the
United Kingdom began to contract out its rail operations. As a
result, ridership has surged to its highest level since the
late 1940s, and measures of safety have improved from those
recorded during the system's public operation.
-
In Germany, Deutsche
Bahn, the country's intercity passenger service, is now making a
profit on its regional and long-distance routes thanks to
competition.
-
Canada, by contrast,
reduced its annual subsidy to VIA Rail Canada, the Canadian version
of Amtrak, thereby forcing management to make do more efficiently
with what it had. In its most recent income statement (2004), VIA
reports receiving a government subsidy of $197 million (Canadian),
down from $315 million in 2001.
While Amtrak and its
congressional benefactors have successfully thwarted implementation
of these kinds of reforms, states and regions that have a choice of
who runs their commuter rail service have embraced the competitive
model to reduce costs and improve service.
-
Over the past few
years, Los Angeles, Boston, and California have dumped Amtrak as
the operator of their commuter rail services and replaced it with
private rail companies that provide better service under
competitive contracts at lower costs.
-
In both the U.S. and
Canada, several private operators have emerged in recent years to
provide upscale passenger service on select routes, including
one in Alaska, three in the Canadian province of British Columbia,
and three in the western United States.
If contracting out and
using private operators can produce such gains in service and
savings, why are Amtrak and Congress preventing their
application to America's bankrupt passenger rail
system?
Alibis for Amtrak:
Facts and Fantasy
Despite Amtrak's
three-and-a-half-decade record of huge losses and worsening
service, its many defenders in Congress, the unions that represent
its workers, and a nationwide network of train clubs have succeeded
in defending and preserving its mediocre performance. In defending
its claimed need for generous subsidies, Amtrak and its
supporters often make claims that are contrary to the
facts.
Amtrak's "Fair" Share
of Federal Subsidies. One of the more common
justifications for more money is that Amtrak does not receive its
fair share of federal transportation subsidies in comparison to
highways and aviation. If it did, its defenders argue, train
service would be better and ticket prices lower. A variant of this
complaint contends that "The federal highway program doesn't make a
profit, so why should Amtrak?"
In fact, the federal
highway program is expected to make a profit and does so every
year. Funded largely by a per gallon tax on gasoline and diesel
fuel, the federal highway trust fund devotes only about 60 percent
or less of the revenue that it raises to general-purpose roads; the
rest of the money goes to urban mass transit (20 percent to 25
percent) and other diversions, including commuter rail systems
that pay Amtrak to run their trains under contract.
Likewise, the Federal
Aviation Administration (FAA) aviation trust fund, which finances
the air traffic control system, provides grants to small
airports, and oversees safety and inspections, is
supported by 11 separate taxes levied on passengers, planes,
and airlines. The airlines also pay for a substantial share of
the Transportation Security Administration's airport screening
costs. Although these taxes were expected to cover all of FAA's
costs, the decline in air passenger travel in the few years after
9/11 led to losses because of falling tax revenues.
Amtrak users-including
passengers on trolleys, buses, and commuter rail-pay no taxes on
the services they receive beyond the fare, and because fares
cover only a fraction of the costs incurred, their train and
trolley trips are subsidized by general tax revenues or by the
highway trust fund. In some cases, these subsidies can be
substantial. A Heritage Foundation analysis of a commuter rail
program in the Washington, D.C., area found that the subsidy per
passenger was $20 per day or $4,000 per year.[9]
In an effort to set the
record straight, the DOT estimated the annual subsidies (or
"profits") for 1990 to 2002 for each major mode and expressed them
in terms of dollars per passenger per 1,000 miles.[10] According to the
DOT report, in 2002, motorists returned a dollar to the federal
government for every 1,000 miles driven, while buses returned
$1.79 per 1,000 miles. Aviation passengers received a subsidy
of $6.18 per 1,000 passenger miles, but this subsidy reflected
the reduced number of flights after 9/11. In the several years
prior to 2001, commercial aviation earned a profit for the
government.
In contrast, each
transit passenger received a subsidy of $159.24 per 1,000 miles,
the highest ever recorded in the 12-year survey. Given that transit
receives up to 25 percent of federal surface transportation
spending while carrying only 2 percent of passengers
nationwide, this result should not be surprising. As poorly as
transit performs, Amtrak does even worse, recording a subsidy of
$210.31 per passenger per 1,000 miles for 2002. Unlike transit,
however, 2002 was not Amtrak's worst year: In 1998, its subsidy per
passenger per 1,000 miles reached a staggering $383.82.
Environmentally
Friendly and Energy-Efficient? Amtrak is also defended
on the grounds that it is environmentally friendly and
energy-efficient in comparison to other transportation modes. Like
the earlier claims about federal subsidy costs, these contentions
are without any foundation in fact.
One of the more
prominent recent efforts to assert this claim was offered by
Friends of the Earth (FOE).[11] Claiming to be presenting
the energy efficiency results reported by the Congressional
Research Service (CRS), FOE contends that Amtrak is more
energy-efficient than domestic air travel and the automobile.[12]
This claim, however,
misrepresents the CRS report. The CRS report presented measures of
automobile efficiency for two types of driving: trips over 75
miles and all trips, which includes mostly short trips and trips
around town and to work. The FOE report excludes the CRS auto fuel
efficiency measures for longer auto trips. If these data had been
included in that estimate, FOE would have been forced to
acknowledge that the automobile is slightly more
energy-efficient than Amtrak on longer trips that are more
comparable to those that Amtrak offers.[13]
The CRS report
summarizes:
[One] rationale for
federal financial support to Amtrak has been that rail service
conserves energy, compared to other forms of intercity passenger
transportation. The numbers dis-cussed in this report suggest that
the rationale might not be valid with regard to autos and buses.[14]
In addition:
The far greater fuel
efficiency of intercity buses compared to Amtrak suggests that
federal financial assistance to intercity bus service might
conserve more energy than federal financial assistance to Amtrak,
even if additional buses caused some increase in congestion.[15]
Table 1 reproduces the
actual findings from the CRS study, as updated in 1999.

Source: Stephen J. Thompson, "Amtrak and Energy Conservation:
Background and Selected Public Policy Issues," Congressional
Research Service Report for Congress No. 96-22 E, updated January
19, 1999.
Of particular note is
that, according to the CRS findings reproduced in Table 1, the
automobile, not Amtrak, is the more energy-efficient and
environmentally friendly mode for travelers heading north from
Washington, D.C., to Philadelphia, New York, or Boston, or
from Chicago to St. Louis. Intercity buses are almost three times
more efficient than Amtrak.
The CRS report was
originally published in 1996, and even the 1999 update relies on
fuel consumption data from the early to mid-1990s. Yet much
has happened in engine technology, and most engines are cleaner and
more fuel-efficient today than they were in the early 1990s. As a
result of these technological changes, the relative rankings
among modes may have changed as well.
Although the CRS has
not updated its earlier findings, similar comparisons can be made
using data compiled and published by the Oak Ridge National
Laboratory.[16] As Table 2 reveals, the government
data show that commercial aviation has significantly closed the
energy efficiency gap with autos and, as of 2002, had surpassed
Amtrak's efficiency rating as a consequence of the shift to
more fuel-efficient jet engines.
Source: Stacy C. Davis and Susan W. Diegel, Transportation Energy
Data Book: Edition 24, ORNL-6973, Oak Ridge National Laboratory,
December 2004, at (April
26, 2006).
Notwithstanding the
claims by Amtrak advocates, two studies from two different federal
research institutions using different methodologies concluded
that Amtrak is not particularly energy-efficient and that it has
become less efficient over time. Nonetheless, beliefs that are
contrary to these facts have become persistent and popular urban
myths among rail advocates.
How to Improve
Amtrak
For the past several
decades, articles and reports critical of Amtrak's
performance-including many from The Heritage Foundation-have
usually offered recommendations to Congress and/or the President on
how to improve the rail system and cut its losses. Such
recommendations have included various legislative proposals
that would make some significant change in Amtrak by forcing it to
restructure, economize on its financial resources, and
privatize/partner/ contract out some or all of its operations. In
effect, the thrust of these recommendations has been to urge the
federal government to impose some sort of a solution on a reluctant
Amtrak that is incapable of reforming itself.
Senator Lott's S. 1516
falls into this category. While short of any real reform proposals,
it is replete with directives, alterations, restructurings,
subsidies, studies, reports, metrics, five-year plans, transitions,
and other forms of top-down micromanagement designed to create
the impression that spinning wheels represent forward
movement.
While a well-crafted top-down approach might
have been valid in the past when Amtrak's management truly was
incapable of doing the right thing-both of the two Amtrak
presidents before David Gunn were fired by disappointed boards that
were no more capable of running the system than any of the
presidents whom they fired- Amtrak's new board has demonstrated
that it has a grip on the problem and is prepared to do the right
thing. Firing former president David Gunn was a good start, but
much more is needed, and needed fast.
With a new commitment
to cost-effective service, Amtrak's new board and management
team should begin to eliminate some of the system's more wasteful
routes. A good place to begin would be the Sunset Limited, with its
$433 subsidy per passenger. This should be followed by the Silver
Service, with total losses exceeding $100 million in 2005. Nothing
in current law requires that Amtrak operate these routes. The law
requires only that Amtrak give four months notice before
terminating a route and give the displaced workers generous
severance packages, which will cut into the short-run savings from
terminating the routes.
Conclusion
Many Members of
Congress will certainly complain about the route cuts, but
their options are limited. Many were angry when Gunn was fired, but
their anger did not last the day, and only 27 Members of the House
could be mustered to sign a letter of complaint to Transportation
Secretary Norman Mineta. In the end, Congress can really only
threaten to cut off or reduce funding for the railroad. If
they do, the President will have his "make my day"
moment.
Ronald D. Utt,
Ph.D., is Herbert and Joyce Morgan Senior Research
Fellow in the Thomas A. Roe Institute for Economic Policy Studies
at The Heritage Foundation.
[1]National Railroad
Passenger Corporation, "FY07 Grant and Legislative Request:
Rebuilding America's Passenger Rail System," March
2006.
[3]National Railroad Passenger Corporation,
"Amtrak Strategic Reform Initiatives and FY06 Grant Request:
Rebuilding America's Passenger Rail System," April 2005, p.
24, at
(April 26, 2006)
[4]U.S. Department of Transportation,
Office of the Inspector General, "Report on the Analysis of Cost
Savings on Amtrak's Long-Distance Services," CR-2005-068, July 22,
2005, at
(April 26, 2006)
[5]The data on cost per train presented in
this report are from Amtrak, "Monthly Performance Report for
September 2005," November 4, 2005, pp. A2.3 and C1.
[6]Because Amtrak does not allocate
depreciation charges ($560 million) to individual routes, all route
loss figures are understated, and the putative profits on
select Northeast Corridor routes would turn into substantial losses
since Amtrak's largest physical asset is the corridor's
roadbed.
[7]For a recent description of this effort,
see Daniel Machalabra, "Passenger Railroad Improves Service on
Long-Haul Trains to Lure Well-Heeled Travelers," The
Wall Street Journal, March
17, 2006, p. B1
[8]The Administration's bill was
reintroduced (by request) in the 109th Congress as H.R. 1713 by
Representatives Don Young (R-AK) and James Oberstar
(D-MN).
[10]U.S. Department of
Transportation, Bureau of Transportation Statistics, "Federal
Subsidies to Passenger Transportation," December 2004, Table 3, at
(April 26,
2006).
[12]Stephen J. Thompson,
"Amtrak and Energy Conservation: Background and Selected Public
Policy Issues," Congressional Research Service Report for
Congress No. 96-22 E, updated
January 19, 1999.
[13]The FOE report also
includes Acela, which did not enter service until late 2000,
thereby further distorting the presentation by comparing pre-1996
measures with those of 2000 and later.
[14]Thompson, "Amtrak and Energy
Conservation," p. 1.
[16]Stacy C. Davis and Susan W. Diegel,
Transportation Energy Data Book: Edition 24, ORNL-6973, Oak Ridge National
Laboratory, December 2004, at (April
26, 2006).