British Prime
Minister Tony Blair meets President George W. Bush at the White
House this week in perhaps the last major Washington summit between
the two world leaders. Blair's latest Washington trip, his eighth
U.S. visit since 9/11, will likely be dominated by discussions over
the future of the American and British troop presence in Iraq. The
growing threat posed by the Iranian nuclear program will also be
high on the agenda, as well as broader discussion of the war on
terrorism, including tensions between London and Washington over
the U.S. detention facility at Guantanamo Bay.
The summit may be
overshadowed by the British Prime Minister's declining popularity
at home, where his approval rating has fallen to just 26 percent,
and his erosion of power within the ruling Labour Party. The recent
local elections were a disaster for Blair and his government and
have prompted growing calls for the prime minister to stand down in
favor of his Chancellor of the Exchequer Gordon Brown. While Blair,
possessing a Houdini-like ability to survive in the most difficult
of circumstances, may weather the immediate political storm, it is
increasingly likely that he will depart Downing Street in mid to
late 2007.
This week's White
House meeting may prove a watershed moment, marking the beginning
of the end of the extraordinary political partnership between Bush
and Blair, the driving force behind the wars against Iraq and
Afghanistan as well as the Anglo-American war on terror. But it
should not though be viewed as a "lame duck summit" or a meeting of
the "axis of the feeble."
Rather, it is an important opportunity for the United States and
Great Britain to discuss issues of common concern that have a
direct impact on international security and the defense of the
West. While the Bush-Blair alliance is drawing to a close, it will
remain a formidable force on the international stage until Blair
exits office.
Iraq
The summit takes
place just days after the formation of a new Iraqi government
following months of political turmoil and mounting violence between
Shias and Sunnis. Although the key interior and defense posts have
yet to be filled, the appointment of a new cabinet with the backing
of all ethnic groups is a significant development that London and
Washington hope will avert the threat of a civil war. This
Thursday's White House press conference, together with Blair's
major policy speech in Washington on Friday, will provide an
important opportunity for a robust defense of the decision to
remove Saddam Hussein from power and of continued U.S.-UK support
of the fledgling Iraqi democracy.
A critical issue
for discussion is how long U.S. and British forces will remain in
Iraq in the face of growing public opposition in both the United
States and Britain. In a joint press conference this weekend with
Tony Blair, Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki revealed that two
of the four British-run provinces in the south of the country,
Muthanna and Maysan, could be transferred to Iraqi military control
later this summer. Al-Maliki and Blair stated that "by the end of
this year responsibility for much of Iraq's territorial security
should have been transferred to Iraqi control." Downing Street
sources have suggested that all coalition forces could exit Iraq by
2010.
In light of these
latest pronouncements, Britain could conceivably withdraw around a
quarter of its 8,000 soldiers from the country later this year,
though it is highly unlikely that Britain will be able to move its
troops out of Basra, the base of most British forces in Iraq, where
Iranian-backed militias pose a growing security threat.
It remains
uncertain how these latest signals from Baghdad will affect U.S.
planning for the 130,000 U.S. troops in Iraq, and Washington has
firmly rejected any talk of firm timetables for the withdrawal of
its own forces. Still, this week's summit will likely prepare for a
coordinated Anglo-American approach to any scaling down of Western
troops in Iraq.
Iran
On Iran, the focus
will be primarily on U.S. and British efforts to push through an
aggressive sanctions regime in an effort to block the development
of nuclear weapons. London and Washington will be looking to
carefully coordinate their diplomatic offensive this summer at the
UN Security Council, with the goal of forcing concessions from
Russia and China, Iran's key strategic allies. At the same time,
the U.S. and British leaders will explore possible measures outside
of the Security Council, including the building of an international
coalition of the willing to impose an array of political and
economic measures against Iran. There is also likely to be a frank
discussion of the possible use of force, as a last resort, to
disarm the Iranian regime.
Significantly,
Blair has refused to rule out the possibility of strikes against
Tehran, keeping all options on the table. Blair was greatly angered by Iranian president
Mahmoud Ahmadinejad's threats against Israel and hinted at military
action to halt Iran's nuclear development. In October, Blair warned
Iran's leaders that they were making "a very big mistake" if they
believed the West would not
respond forcefully to Tehran's talk of wiping Israel "off the
map."
In the clearest sign yet that Blair will push an aggressive line on
the Iran issue, he acted decisively against his foreign secretary
Jack Straw in a recent Cabinet reshuffle, axing him from his post
following a series of remarks in which Straw described military
action as "inconceivable."
The War on
Terror
The White House
summit will provide an important opportunity to underscore
U.S.-British leadership in the global battle against Islamic
terrorism. Britain is currently playing a lead role in NATO
military operations in the Helmand province of southern
Afghanistan, with 4,000 British troops fighting on the front line
against Taliban guerrillas.
The U.S. detention
facility at Guantanamo Bay will continue to be a source of tension
between the American and British Governments. While Blair has shied
away from direct criticism of Guantanamo, preferring to call it an
"anomaly" that must eventually be addressed, some members of his
administration have been far more outspoken-a sign that Blair's
control over his own ministers is beginning to slip. In a speech to
the Royal United Services Institute, Britain's Attorney General
Lord Goldsmith called the Guantanamo camp "unacceptable," stating
that it had become a symbol of "injustice" that tarnishes the image
of the United States.
In the wake of
Goldsmith's comments, as well as the latest UN report calling for
Guantanamo to be closed,
Blair faces immense pressure from his own Labour Party to raise the
issue of the long-term detention of terror suspects.
Blair's Precarious
Position
While Tony Blair
remains a powerful leader on the international stage, as this
week's Washington summit will demonstrate, domestically his
position is extremely weak. The UK's
May 4 local elections were a political earthquake that
dramatically altered the electoral landscape in Britain. The ruling
Labour Party placed third in the polls, with just 26 percent of the
national vote, and lost over 300 council seats. The opposition
Conservative Party polled 40 percent, gaining 300 seats-its best
performance in 14 years. In the opinion polls, the Conservatives
have established a clear lead over the Labour Party, with support
for Labour standing at its lowest point since 1992. Fully 65
percent of British voters now believe that Labour will lose the
next general election, which must be held by 2010.
There is open talk in the Labour Party of a
rebellion, even 'civil war,' with potentially catastrophic effects
for the party. At least two letters have circulated in the past
month among Labour MPs calling for Blair to set a date for his
departure. Dissent is growing not only among the anti-New Labour
left wing of the party, but also among more moderate MPs, who
consider Blair a liability. While the Prime Minister has firmly
rebuffed calls to set a timetable, he has reportedly agreed to
stand down in 2007 in favor of his Chancellor of the Exchequer,
Gordon Brown.
Planning for a
Post-Blair Future
As Tony Blair enters the twilight of his
premiership, strategists in Washington must look to a post-Blair
government and consider how it will impact U.S. foreign
policy. His heir apparent, Gordon Brown, is unlikely to
fundamentally transform the nature of the Anglo-American alliance.
He will, though, adjust its tempo and alter the dynamics that drive
it. Brown, with a large base of support
on the left of the Labour Party and whose ties to Washington
are mainly to Democrats, will be unlikely to emulate the close
friendship that Blair has developed with Bush. Nor is he likely to
win the kind of adoration from the American public that the Prime
Minister gained after 9/11.
Brown's approach
will be less sentimental than Blair's, based on a sharper-edged
analysis of what he defines as the British national interest,
including more open confrontation with Washington over issues such
as international development assistance, poverty reduction, trade,
and global warming. He will be less
likely than Blair to spearhead international efforts in the war on
terrorism and may be less inclined to keep British troops fighting
in Iraq.
On the
Iranian nuclear crisis, perhaps the dominant international issue of
the next few years, Brown's views are unknown, which will
complicate U.S. strategic thinking, especially if the use of force
is contemplated. Britain will be a critically important ally for
the United States as she confronts the Iranian nuclear threat, and
the timing of Blair's handover of power could influence Washington
as it contemplates military strikes against Iran's nuclear
facilities as a last resort. While Blair is likely to side with the
U.S. in the event of a conflict with Iran, Brown's position could
be far less hawkish.
Nile Gardiner, Ph.D., is
the Bernard and Barbara Lomas Fellow at the Margaret Thatcher
Center for Freedom, a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom
Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage
Foundation.
"We Will Use Force, Blair
Warns Iranians," The Daily Telegraph, October 28,
2005.