According to the latest polls, by spring 2007 the president of
France could well be Nicolas Sarkozy, the man who The Washington
Post described as "not your everyday French politician." For a start, the
current French Interior Minister and leader of the UMP conservative
party is pro-American. He understands that the war on terrorism is
the world's fight and not one America should have to bear alone. He
grasps the nature of the threat facing Continental Europe from
Muslim extremism and favors fighting terrorism head-on and without
apology. His worldview is not one that ends in the Michelin-starred
restaurants of Paris. Further, he is vocally enthusiastic about the
Anglo-Saxon economic model and keen to shake up the statist,
government-centered French economy with a hefty dose of innovation
and entrepreneurialism. So if Nicolas Sarkozy does become president
next year, what exactly will it mean for U.S. interests?
Sarkozy and U.S. Foreign Policy
It looks increasingly likely that the ineffective Jacques Chirac
will be forced to make way for his younger and more popular
colleague to take his party's presidential nomination in January
2007. Having openly flaunted his ambitions for some time, Mr.
Sarkozy has used his many elected and appointed political offices
to set out a powerful manifesto for the presidency. And for
American strategic interests, it is a good one.
As chief pretender to the throne,
Sarkozy has recently taken it upon himself to conduct his own
foreign policy while abroad, independent of the traditional
Gaullist line. Chirac's well-reported fury at Sarkozy's
pro-American rhetoric during a U.S. visit in September 2006
indicates just how far Sarkozy is willing to go to distance himself
from what he sees as the ancien régime.
Chirac's ire has risen following Sarkozy's successful Washington
visit, which was timed to mark the 5th anniversary of the 9/11
attacks. During this trip, Sarkozy was as honest about the
fractured Franco-American relationship as he was unabashed in his
pro-American remedy for the problem. His speech at the French
Embassy was breathtaking by French standards:
The crisis
our two countries experienced in 2003 was probably the gravest
since 1966, when American forces withdrew from French NATO
bases…. You Americans were struck in the heart on September
11, 2001, and never understood our opposition to the intervention
in Iraq. Some of you, to call a spade a spade, even felt it as a
form of betrayal.
It is an open secret that Sarkozy was critical of Chirac's vocal
opposition to the Iraq War in 2003, an issue that dogs
Franco-American relations to this day. In his September 2006
interview with Le Monde, Sarkozy said that this period
marked a "crisis" for Franco-American relations and that "Americans
felt that they were abandoned by a nation with which they had felt
close historical ties and shared values." Chirac, in turn, described Sarkozy's
comments as "irresponsible" and "lamentable."
Sarkozy's stance on the Israeli-Lebanon war represented another
break with French foreign policy. Sarkozy was not afraid to condemn
Hezbollah as the aggressor and spoke up for Israel's right "to
defend herself." While urging that Israel should
"maintain level headedness and restraint," he refused to join the
European Union (EU) chorus calling for a total ceasefire. In fact, his policy was remarkably
similar to that of the United States and marked Sarkozy as a
sensible voice on the Middle East in Europe.
Sarkozy's efforts to combat disturbingly high levels of
anti-Americanism in France have great significance for the overall
war on terrorism. One year after the start of Operation
Iraqi Freedom, more than half of the French people believed that
the U.S. motivation for the war on terror was to dominate the
world. Today, 76 percent of the French people
believe that the war in Iraq and removal of Saddam Hussein has made
the world a more dangerous place. For his part, Sarkozy has publicly
acknowledged that Paris could just have easily been the target of
the 9/11 terrorists and is adamant that anti-Americanism is not "a
French thing." Sarkozy's "new" foreign policy is sending a powerful
message right to the heart of Europe. His warm relationship with
German Chancellor Angela Merkel quashes any prospect of the sort of
anti-American axis between Berlin, Rome, and Paris that left-wing
Italian Prime Minister Romano Prodi might have hoped for.
In all, the gulf growing between Chirac and his potential heir
favors the United States. Ahead in the polls, Sarkozy may well be
the next president of France. His victory would mean the chance for
America to work more effectively with a medium-sized foreign power
in ad hoc coalitions, such as in Afghanistan, and also that
the U.S. would have a more genial partner within the EU and the
United Nations Security Council. With huge foreign policy questions
such as Iran and North Korea taking center stage, America will
benefit from a more cooperative approach from the
Élysée Palace.
The White House should relish the prospect of a potential ally
in Europe who rejects the rabid anti-Americanism that has become an
integral part of modern French politics.
Sarkozy and the European Union
Despite Sarkozy's warmth toward Washington, a Sarkozy
administration would probably not shift French policy away from
Brussels significantly or shy from supporting further European
integration. Sarkozy is keen to breathe life into the European
Constitution, despite the overwhelming "non" from French voters in
2005. In arguing for the European Constitution during the French
referendum, Sarkozy said that he was the first 50-year-old in
French history not required to go to war for his country and cited
"one simple reason: Europe."
The draft Constitution threatens to drive a stake through the
heart of the transatlantic alliance that has secured peace in
Europe since 1945. From top to bottom, the Constitution will
establish Europe as a rival political force to the United States,
with its own foreign minister, powers of taxation, and legal
personality. In alliance with Chancellor Merkel, Sarkozy may seek
to resurrect a Franco-German axis in support of "ever-closer union"
in Europe, a political development that is in the interests of
neither Europe nor the United States.
Conclusion
Nicolas Sarkozy represents the best hope for a French
administration that would work more closely with the United States
on the world stage. His rejection of the crude anti-Americanism
that has dominated U.S.-French relations since the Iraq War is
brave and refreshing and should win Sarkozy friends in Washington.
Sarkozy has also demonstrated a tougher stance on the global war on
terrorism than any of his leading competitors for the
presidency.
However, the United States should not expect an immediate sea
change in French foreign policy if Sarkozy comes to power. He will
face opposition from powerful vested interests in the French
political establishment that will resist fundamental changes in
Paris's approach toward Washington. Sarkozy is also likely to stick
to the trusted model of the Franco-German alliance and will push
for more, not less, centralization of political power in
Europe.
His European policy aside, Nicolas Sarkozy will be a breath of
fresh air on the international stage, but whether he has the drive,
determination, and leadership ability to fundamentally transform
the U.S.-French relationship remains to be seen.
Sally McNamara is Senior Policy
Analyst in European Affairs in the Margaret Thatcher Center for
Freedom at The Heritage Foundation. Peter Cuthbertson assisted with
research for this paper.
Martin Arnold,"Chirac hits at Sarkozy
over pro-US stance," The Financial Times, September 18,
2006, at
.
Interior Minister Nicolas
Sarkozy, Embassy of France in the United States, September 12,
2006, at
.
"Nicolas Sarkozy:
'J'aime l'énergie et la fluidité de
l'Amérique,'" Le Monde, September 09, 2006,
at
.
Arnold, "Chirac hits at Sarkozy
over pro-US stance."
David Twersky, "France's Next President?" The New York Sun,
August 8, 2006, p. 8.
See Andrew Kohut et al., "No Global Warming Alarm in the U.S.," The
Pew Research Center for the People and the Press, June 13,
2006.
Andrew Kohut et al., "A Year After Iraq War," The Pew Research
Center for the People and the Press, March 16, 2004, p.19.
Kohut et al., "No Global Warming Alarm in the U.S."