The minimum wage does not reduce poverty, and it imposes
substantial costs on both the economy and disadvantaged workers.[1]
Congress nonetheless appears set to raise the national minimum
wage, and the Bush Administration has signaled its willingness to
compromise on the issue. But the same wage rate is not appropriate
for every state. If a minimum wage increase is going to pass,
conservatives should try to make it less harmful, and the best way
to do that is to allow states to set their minimum wage rate below
the federal level.
An opt-out compromise is more promising than the alternative
plan on the table. Previous minimum wage increases have been
combined with tax relief for businesses to soften the blow of
higher wages. But Democrats promise to implement pay-as-you-go
(PAYGO) budgeting in the new Congress, and so tax relief may prove
difficult to enact. Additionally, tax sweeteners often include more
special interest subsidies than sound pro-growth provisions.
State Economies Differ
Economists and policymakers debate the wisdom of moderate
increases in the minimum wage, not massive increases. Both the left
and the right recognize that raising the minimum wage to $20 an
hour, for example, would cost millions of jobs and hurt the very
people it is intended to help. Costs of living and wages vary
dramatically between states; therefore, a moderate increase in the
federal minimum wage may amount to a massive increase in some
states.
A national minimum wage of $7.25 an hour would affect far more
jobs in states with lower costs of living. For example, it costs
more to live in Massachusetts than in Louisiana, and so jobs in
Massachusetts pay more, even though those higher wages may not buy
more than the lower wages in Louisiana.

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Chart 1: Average Wages and Percentage of Workers Earning Less
Than $7.25 by State
Chart 1 shows the proportion of workers in each state who hold
jobs that paid less than $7.25 an hour in 2005.[2] Nationwide, the
average hourly wage is $18.05, and 8.1 percent of jobs would be
affected by raising the minimum wage to $7.25. For some states this
is a trivial increase; for others it is not. In Massachusetts,
where average wages are $20.76 an hour, fewer than 5 percent of
jobs would be directly affected by the proposed wage hike. In
Mississippi, where average wages are less than $15 an hour, more
than twice as many jobs-11.5 percent-would be affected by the
higher minimum wage.
A one-size-fits-all minimum wage makes no allowance for
differences in labor markets among states. Yet the federal
government recognizes these differences when it pays its own
workers. For example, an entry-level federal job pays 14 percent
more in San Francisco than in Huntsville, Alabama.[3] Congress should
recognize that private businesses face the same cost-of-living
differences as the federal government.
An increase that would cost only a few jobs in New York City
could leave thousands out of work in Charleston, South Carolina. If
Congress is going to raise the minimum wage by 40 percent, it
should give heavily affected states the ability to adjust to
reflect local economic conditions.
Regulating Wages Is Already a State
Responsibility
States already regulate labor markets in accord with their local
economic conditions. Although the federal minimum wage has not
increased since 1997, states can raise their own minimum wages
above the federal level. Currently 28 states and the District of
Columbia, with 67.9 percent of the total U.S. population among
them, have minimum wage rates above the federal level.[4]
As Chart 1 shows, the states that have raised their minimum
wages above the federal level are those with economies that can
most easily adjust to higher rates. Fifteen of the 17 states with
wages above the national average have raised their minimum wages;
only 13 of the 33 states with wages below the national average have
raised theirs.[5]
Legislatures and voters raised minimum wages in states like
California and New York where an increase would harm only a small
number of workers. States in which a higher minimum wage could cost
large numbers of jobs, such as Louisiana and Kansas, have not
raised theirs.
Let States Opt Out
If Congress is going to increase the minimum wage by over 40
percent, it should let states set their rates below the federal
level. Although most states are unlikely to use this authority, it
would allow states with low costs of living to ensure that their
minimum wage rates are not wildly out of line with local economic
conditions. A one-size-fits-all solution makes no sense when
average wages vary widely across the country.
Giving states the ability to keep their minimum wages at levels
appropriate to local conditions would also return control to
officials who are more in tune with local needs. Because local
officials are closer to their constituents, they are also more
flexible and able to respond faster than their federal
counterparts. Thus, although the federal minimum wage has not been
increased for nine years, many states increased their rates without
congressional action. Similarly, if a 40 percent increase in the
minimum wage costs more jobs than expected in some states, local
officials could respond more rapidly to help imperiled workers than
Congress.
Conclusion
The minimum wage is a well intentioned but counterproductive way
to help low-income workers. Even so, Congress appears ready to
raise it. Under these circumstances conservatives should carefully
consider policies that could make an increase less painful to
workers in states with low costs of living. In the past, minimum
wage increases have been coupled with special interest tax breaks,
but these do little to make hiring unskilled workers more
attractive.
Conservatives should push to allow states to set their minimum
wages below the federal level. This policy would restore power to
state officials, who are closer and more responsive to voters. It
would also ensure that Congress does not impose a massive burden on
workers in states with low costs of living, where $7.25 an hour is
well above what businesses are able to pay unskilled workers.
Allowing states to opt out would protect the workers most at risk
of losing their jobs due to a minimum wage increase.
James Sherk is a Policy
Analyst in the Center for Data Analysis at The Heritage
Foundation.