Post-Cold War security requires a new nuclear weapons policy,
operational doctrine, arsenal, and infrastructure. The Bush
Administration announced a new strategic policy with the Nuclear
Posture Review (NPR) in 2002 and issued a draft of the new Doctrine
for Joint Nuclear Operations for the military in 2005. The
Administration is now moving to construct a nuclear arsenal to meet
the needs of the new policy and doctrine, which directs the
fielding of both offensive and defensive strategic nuclear and
conventional forces to reduce to an absolute minimum the
possibility that any hostile state will be able to launch a
successful strategic attack on the United States or its
friends and allies. At the heart of this policy is a program for
creating a new nuclear warhead called the Reliable Replace Warhead
(RRW). The House of Representatives, however, has unwisely chosen
to use the Omnibus Appropriations Bill (H.R. 2764), adopted on
December 17, to eliminate all funding for the RRW program.
Importance of the RRW
While the Bush Administration does not use the term, its
approach constitutes a damage-limitation strategy. In this context,
the National Nuclear Security Administration (NNSA) announced on
March 2, 2007, that a joint Department of Defense and NNSA Nuclear
Weapons Council had selected a Lawrence Livermore National
Laboratory and Sandia National Laboratory design for the RRW. The
RRW would provide the Navy with a replacement for existing warheads
on a portion of its submarine-based nuclear-armed missiles. It is
an essential part of meeting the requirements of the NPR.
What Congress Should Do
The House of Representatives, therefore, is wrong to withhold
funding for the RRW program. It has justified this action by
pointing to a related legislative requirement that the Bush
Administration provide a nuclear weapons strategy for the 21st
century, implying that a specific funding request for RRW should be
considered only after the submission of the report. This is a
subterfuge. The Bush Administration has already provided Congress
with the required strategy in the form of the NPR. What the House
should be doing is pressing the Bush Administration to move forward
smartly in realizing the promise of the NPR by taking the following
steps:
- Provide the NNSA with the full $6.5 billion
requested for weapons activities in fiscal year 2008,
including for the RRW program.
- Direct the NNSA to refine the RRW's design and
build it to provide the military with the capabilities to hold
at-risk enemy targets that require nuclear weapons in order to
destroy them. In particular, these targets should be those things
that could be used to attack the U.S. and its friends and allies
with nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons. This includes both
hardened and mobile targets.
- Direct the NNSA to design and build the RRW so
that it can be mated to delivery systems that can strike enemy
targets quickly and accurately enough to limit the damage that
otherwise would be imposed on the U.S. and its friends and
allies.
- Give the NNSA the explicit authority to pursue
the RRW as a new warhead design and conduct explosive tests as
necessary to field nuclear weapons with these capabilities.
Conclusion
Nuclear weapons are no less essential to the security of
the U.S. and its friends and allies than they were during the Cold
War, but the requirements are different. Current and projected
circumstances allow the U.S. to maintain a smaller active nuclear
arsenal and stockpile of warheads, in part based on the
deployment of effective conventionally armed strategic strike
weapons and defenses. This smaller U.S. nuclear arsenal,
however, makes it more important that the arsenal is fully
modernized and tailored to meeting the demands of the
damage-limitation strategy.
U.S. strategic forces should not be used to exact revenge on an
enemy foolish enough to attack the U.S. or its friends and allies
with weapons of mass destruction. They should be used to deter that
enemy from attacking by making it clear that such an attack will
fail. The decision by the House of Representatives to
withhold funds from the RRW program signals that it is unwilling to
defend the American people and U.S. friends and allies, whether or
not this is its intention.
Baker Spring is
F. M. Kirby Research Fellow in National Security Policy in the
Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a
division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for
International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.