A
major American ally is in trouble. A massive scandal involving a
Chinese telecommunications company has driven politics in the
Philippines off the rails. As the Philippines seeks to address the
scandal, the United States should help it avert what has the
potential to become a major constitutional crisis.
The
Scandal
That
the intersection of business and politics in the Philippines is
rife with corruption is hardly a revelation. Nor is it
extraordinary by the standards of current practices in Asia. What
is troubling, however-perhaps only because, unlike corrupt dealings
in other countries, it takes place within a lively, often raucous
democracy-is the way corruption has come to dominate public
discourse so thoroughly.
The
scandal involves a $330 million contract to provide the government
with a national broadband network. The company involved is a major
Chinese telecommunications company, ZTE
Corporation. The principal allegation under examination in the
Philippine Senate is that the obviously inflated price is a result
of a new, shameless level of corruption. Who exactly is accountable
is the devil buried in the details. Suspicions and investigations
have converged on President Arroyo's husband and a few key
officials.
As big
as the scandal is in dollar terms, the most spectacular
charge to emerge from the controversy is that the contract flows
from a 2004 China-Philippines deal to put aside sovereignty claims
in the South China Sea in order to conduct a joint seismic study.
The South China Sea, of course, remains a source of contention
among several countries, including the Philippines and China. The
dispute has been mostly dormant since 2002, when ASEAN and China
reached a working accommodation to resolve differences by peaceful
means and not to "complicate" or "escalate" the
dispute.
The
striking thing about the seismic study is that it will include not
only disputed areas of the South China Sea, but also parts of the
Philippine continental shelf. The obvious danger is that such
cooperation-far from the China mainland but close to the
Philippines-will eventually threaten Filipino sovereignty. A study
today will lead to a joint tapping of resources tomorrow and
ultimately reinforce Chinese claims on the territory. Indeed,
such a concession is difficult to understand strictly from an
assessment of the Philippines' national interest.
The
ZTE deal is only one element to emerge from $2 billion per year in
Chinese project loans offered soon after the deal on the seismic
study. The loan program extends until 2010, President Arroyo's last
year in office, and has already facilitated dozens of deals beyond
the ZTE broadband project. Another massive deal that has aroused
suspicion is the 25-year concession to the Philippines' power grid.
The biggest privatization in Philippine history, the $4 billion
deal has a similar confluence of factors: Chinese involvement,
high-value assets, and charges of connections to the Filipino first
family.
The
economic costs of corruption are well documented. What is
alarming about these cases is the possibility that corruption in
the Philippines may have reached the point of trumping national
interest. Judging by the public debate, that is the conclusion
reached by a great many prominent Filipinos. The most sensational
of the commentary is calling the South China Sea deal "treason" on
the part of the President. While to date the evidence of a
connection between the seismic deal and official corruption appears
circumstantial, the new depths being plumbed in this "debate" are
reason enough to be concerned.
What's
at Stake
The
Philippines is one of America's principal allies in the Asia
Pacific. A country with a unique historical, cultural, and even
demographic connection with the United States, it is a natural
American ally. As Washington calculates its diplomatic and
geopolitical interests, politics in Manila going completely off the
rails should be a serious concern. Even more disturbing is
the thought that a pillar of the United States' historic presence
in the Pacific may be for sale.
President
Arroyo deserves a fair hearing, if for no other reason than that
she is the duly elected President of the Philippines. The immediate
situation may be salvageable. If not guilty of "treason," the
government may yet garner enough trust among the Filipino elite to
put the controversy behind it. Certainly, judging by the
still-meager protests, public outrage has not reached a level that
rules out amicable settlement.
However,
if the Philippine people-as represented by their representatives
and senators-determine that the President is guilty of impeachable
offenses, the Constitution of the Philippines has mechanisms for
dispatching her. If opponents judge the process too corrupt to
render an accurate judgment, the answer does not lie in appeal to
extra-constitutional means, but in a concerted effort to fix the
system, however difficult and lengthy that may be. From the
perspective of a concerned friend, it would be far more preferable
for the President to finish her term in office-even if under a
cloud of suspicion-than for the Constitution to be
breached.
What
the U.S. Can Do
The
United States should hold up a mirror to the Philippines. The U.S.
does its Filipino friends no good by pretending corruption is any
less than a cancer eating away at its body politic. The recent
decision by the Millennium Challenge Corporation to qualify the
Philippines for "large-scale grant funding" is a major step to that
end. Above all, the U.S. must be crystal clear that it supports the
constitutional order in the Philippines.
Walter
Lohman is Director of the Asian Studies Center at The Heritage
Foundation.