The U.S. House of Representatives recently voted to attach a
provision extending unemployment insurance (UI) benefits to H.R.
2642, the Military Construction and Veterans Affairs Appropriations
Act of 2008. The legislation now moves to the Senate, which will
consider it along with the supplemental funding for the wars in
Iraq and Afghanistan.
Attaching extended UI benefits to troop funding is a mistake.
Both the unemployment rate and the long-term unemployment rate are
below the levels they had reached when Congress ended previous
extended benefit programs. Unemployment insurance, moreover, does
not stimulate the economy. Congress should not use the American
people's desire to support the troops to extend UI benefits.
Extended Benefits
Unemployment insurance provides temporary income to workers who
lose their jobs through no fault of their own. Unemployed workers
receive a portion of their paychecks for up to 26 weeks (six
months) after they lose their job. The program insures workers
against the risk of unexpected job loss and is intended to provide
temporary support while workers look for a new job. It is not a
permanent entitlement or a general unemployment benefit. Some in
Congress want to extend the current 26 weeks of benefits to 39
weeks-nine months. This will not help the economy.
UI Does Not Stimulate
Congress never designed or intended the program to stimulate the
economy. However, a 2004 study by Mark Zandi concluded that
extending UI benefits provides more "bang for the buck" than other
policy proposals.On the basis of this study, many Members of
Congress now support extending UI benefits to stimulate the
economy.
This study suffers from two serious flaws. First, it
inaccurately assumes that UI recipients spend every dollar of
additional benefits. In fact, households respond to more generous
benefits by changing their behavior. Only 50 cents of every dollar
in UI benefits finances new consumption.The other 50 cents finances
consumption that households would have made otherwise, either by
spouses working longer hours or by drawing from savings.
Second, the Zandi study relies entirely on the theoretical
assumption that government spending has a "multiplier effect" on
the economy, and that the key to economic growth is greater
government and consumer spending, not saving or investing. In the
actual economy, money the government spends comes from somewhere
else. When the government taxes incomes to finance new UI benefits,
the individuals who paid the taxes have less money to spend or
invest elsewhere in the economy, which offsets the stimulus.
Government spending does not have a multiplier effect so much as it
redirects economic activity toward the activities that government
spends money on. Dollar for dollar, government spending does less
for the overall economy than private spending. Even if the
government "borrows" the funds by selling Treasury notes, the same
economic inefficiency occurs-and taxes must pay for this
borrowing.
Given these flawed assumptions, it is not surprising that the
2004 study concluded that extending UI benefits is an economic
panacea. Empirical studies of the actual effect of increased UI
spending come to the opposite conclusion. Many states, such as
California and Michigan, have had large variations in the amount
they spend on UI because their unemployment rates have risen and
fallen sharply in recent decades. If additional spending on UI
stimulates the economy the way the Zandi study projects, then this
effect would appear in these states' economies. It does not.Congress
should recognize that extending UI benefits to nine months will not
stimulate the economy.
Unemployment and Long Term Unemployment Low
Labor market conditions do not justify extending UI benefits.
Six months of taxpayer support is enough time for most workers to
find new jobs. The UI system is not intended or designed to support
low-income workers in times of economic stress. Other state and
federal programs fill that role. The only reason to extend UI
benefits to nine months is if a high percentage of unemployed
workers are having difficulty finding new jobs.
Despite the troubles in the housing and financial markets, this
is not the case. The unemployment rate remains historically low at
5 percent. Economists estimate that full employment in the United
States occurs at between 4 percent and 6 percent unemployment.Workers
are not having difficulty finding new jobs. Chart 1 shows the
unemployment rate and the long-term unemployment rate for the past
35 years. The unemployment rate is significantly lower now than
when Congress ended the last three extended unemployment insurance
programs.

Some analysts argue that though overall unemployment is low,
long-term unemployment-the number of workers unemployed for more
than the 26 weeks of UI eligibility-has risen.They believe that though
fewer workers lack jobs, the unemployed now have greater difficulty
finding work than in the past. They contend that nine months of
benefits are now necessary to give workers time to find jobs.
This is untrue. Chart 1 shows the historical long term
unemployment rate, currently at 0.9 percent. Though the long-term
unemployment rate has risen since the peak of the tech bubble in
the late 1990s, it is still much lower than when Congress ended the
previous extended benefit programs. The long term unemployment rate
was 1.2 percent in April 2004, 1.3 percent in April 1994, and 1.1
percent in June 1985. Long term unemployment is 21 percent to 34
percent lower now than when Congress previously believed the labor
market sufficiently strong that extended UI benefits were
unnecessary.
Conclusion
Extending UI benefits will not stimulate the economy and is not
justified by economic conditions. Congress has not passed this
policy as stand-alone legislation for good reason. Congress did not
pass extended benefits in the stimulus bill that sent tax rebates
to most American households, despite intense lobbying to do so. Now
the House of Representatives has attached extended benefits to the
Military Construction and Veterans Affairs Appropriations Act of
2008, and the Senate may attach it to the supplemental bill that
will provide funding to the troops in Afghanistan and Iraq.
Congress should not use the American people's desire to support the
troops as political cover to enact a policy that is not justified
on the merits.
James
Sherk is Bradley Fellow in Labor Policy in the Center for Data
Analysis at The Heritage Foundation.
[2]Jonathan Gruber, "The Consumption Smoothing
Benefits of Unemployment Insurance," American Economic
Review, Vol. 87 (March 1997), p. 195. Note that a 10 percent
increase in the replacement rate (representing a 10 percent
increase in individual income) reduces the fall in individual
consumption by 2.65 percent. Footnote 9 notes that the average
recipient gets 48 cents out of every additional dollar he or she is
eligible for, because not all workers eligible for benefits receive
them. Thus, when UI raises incomes by 4.8 percent, consumption
rises by 2.65 percent. Consumption is less than household income,
so each dollar spent on UI raises consumption by roughly 50
cents.
[3]B.
Cullen and J. Gruber, "Spousal Labor Supply as Insurance: Does
Unemployment Insurance Crowd Out the Added Worker Effect?"
Journal of Labor Economics, Vol. 18, No. 3 (2000), pp.
546-572; Eric M. Engen and Jonathan Gruber, "Unemployment Insurance
and Precautionary Saving," Journal of Monetary Economics,
Vol. 47 (June 2001), pp. 545-579.
[4]Kyung Won Lee, James R. Schmidt, and George E.
Rejda, "Unemployment Insurance and State Economic Activity,"
International Economic Journal, Vol. 13, No. 3 (Autumn
1999), pp. 77-95; George M. Von Furstenberg, "Stabilization
Characteristics of Unemployment Insurance," Industrial and
Labor Relations Review, Cornell University, Vol. 29, No. 3,
(April 1976), pp. 363-376.