Bangladeshis went to the polls on December 29 in record numbers
and elected the secular Awami League party headed by former Prime
Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajed. Several international election
observers declared the polls fair and peaceful, despite allegations
of rigging by the Bangladeshi National Party (BNP), which ruled the
country from 2001 to 2006.
After two years of military-backed emergency rule, the
overwhelming vote in favor of a secular political party is a strong
indicator that the world's fourth-largest Muslim country will
continue forging a path toward democratic development, albeit in
the face of tremendous challenges from poverty, natural disaster,
Islamist extremism, and pervasive corruption. The U.S. should
encourage the new government to both build bridges to the
opposition and take a strong stand against Islamist extremists who
have sought to make political inroads through violent intimidation
and exploitation of weak institutions, corruption, and lack of good
governance.
Democracy Delayed
The Awami League won over two-thirds of the 300 parliamentary
seats, returning Sheikh Hasina as Prime Minister, a position she
previously held from 1996 to 2001. For its part, the BNP won a mere
29 seats, prompting its leader to allege that the vote was rigged.
The BNP apparently suffered from government bans on its preferred
election candidates and recent divisions within the party. An
Islamist party allied with the BNP, the Jamaat-e-Islami, also
suffered a major setback, winning only two seats, compared to the
17 it grabbed in the last election.
The U.S.-based International Republican Institute (IRI), which
deployed 65 election observers before and during the elections,
determined in its preliminary assessment that the elections
constituted a "major step forward in demonstrating the country's
commitment to strengthening democracy" and "yielded a result that
accurately reflects the will of Bangladeshi voters."[1]IRI also praised the
interim government for creating a revised voter list, complete with
photo identifications and containing 80 million new names.
In 2006, escalating political violence interrupted Bangladesh's
democratic process, forcing a postponement of elections originally
scheduled for January 2007. While most Bangladeshis and
international observers initially supported the decision to call
off the January 2007 election in order to prevent a potential
bloodbath, many worried that prolonged military intervention in the
political process would permanently undermine the country's
democratic institutions. The interim government's severe
restrictions on political activities and efforts to target the
country's top politicians--Sheikh Hasina and Khaled Zia--as part of
its anti-corruption drive also lacked public support. The interim
government eventually dropped the corruption charges against Hasina
and Zia and allowed them to lead their parties in last week's
elections.
It is unclear whether the military will completely relinquish
power now that elections have been held. One crucial indicator will
be whether the current and retired military officers that were
placed in key political positions over the last two years retain
their government jobs when the Awami League takes over. There are
signs that some military leaders believe the army should continue
to have a direct role in governing the country.[2]
Tougher on Extremism
Sheikh Hasina is likely to take a tougher position toward
Islamist extremists than Khalida Zia did during her tenure. Hasina
survived an assassination attempt by Islamic extremists in August
2004 when a grenade was thrown at one of her political rallies,
killing 20 of her supporters. The BNP had ruled from 2001 to 2006
in coalition with Islamist parties and had been reluctant to
prosecute the perpetrators of political violence that had
connections to radical Islamists. BNP coalition partner
Jamaat-e-Islami apparently had ties to extremist leader Bangla
Bhai, who promoted Islamic revolution in Bangladesh and was
executed by the interim government in March 2007. In August 2005,
widespread bombings conducted by the Jamaat-ul Mujahedeen
Bangladesh (JMB)--whose stated goal is to impose strict Islamic
rule--alarmed both domestic and international observers about the
threat posed by local extremist groups. Just last week, Bangladeshi
police arrested seven JMB-linked militants armed with grenades and
explosives.
Indian leaders, increasingly concerned about Dhaka's response to
Islamist extremists that also target India--especially its
northeastern states that border Bangladesh--have welcomed Sheikh
Hasina's victory. Harakat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI), a terrorist
organization founded by Pakistan-based leader Fazlur Rehman with
ties to al-Qaeda, apparently remains active in Bangladesh. India's
new Home Minister P. Chidambaram recently told the Indian
parliament that Bangladesh had a responsibility to control the
HuJI.
Recommendations for U.S. Policy
The U.S. should support the newly elected democratic government
but make clear that it is the new government's responsibility to
prove it is capable of improving governance and rooting out
corruption within its own ranks. Washington should work with other
countries that played a key role in ensuring the elections were
free and fair--such as the European Union countries, Australia,
Japan, and India--to encourage the new government to build bridges
to the political opposition and to avoid monopolizing state
political and economic power. Washington must also encourage the
new government to take a strong stand against Islamist extremists
that have sought to exploit weak institutions, corruption, and lack
of good governance to make political inroads and have used violence
to intimidate opponents. Finally, Washington should encourage the
BNP to honor the election results and play an appropriate role in
Parliament in order to effectively address the nation's pressing
challenges.
Successful polls are only the first step in achieving a
functional democratic process. Unless the new government
demonstrates a commitment to rooting out corruption, improving
governance, and bolstering the economy, it risks creating an
environment of instability, which would render it ineffective and
provide an opening for new military intervention. With 40 percent
of the Bangladeshi population still living on less than $1 a day
and amid new economic uncertainties created by the global economic
downturn, the new government cannot afford to waste any time in
implementing measures to revitalize the economy and in continuing
the business and economic reforms begun under the interim
government. The new government in Bangladesh must use this
opportunity not to settle political scores, but to solidify gains
in the democratic process and improve governance in order to
support the Bangladeshi people, revive the country's economy, and
limit opportunities for radical Islamists.
Lisa Curtis is Senior
Research Fellow for South Asia in the Asian Studies Center and
Nicholas Hamisevicz is a Research Assistant in the Asian Studies
Center at The Heritage Foundation.
[2]International Crisis Group, "Bangladesh:
elections and Beyond," Asia Briefing No.84, December 11, 2008, p.
11, at
http://www.crisisgroup.org/library/documents/
Asia/south _asia/b84_Bangladesh___elections_and_beyond.pdf
(January 5, 2009). See also "Bangladesh: Military Must not Dominate
Civil Administration," Asian Human Rights Commission, August 29,
2008, at
http://www.ahrck.net/statements/mainfile.php/
2008statements/1671/ (December 29,