Pursuant to law, the Department of Defense (DOD) will release
its Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) strategy in just over one
year. The QDR is designed to establish a 20-year defense program
that is clear and consistent. Completing the QDR will require
tremendous work, effort, coordination, and significant
manpower.
Minding the Budget Calendar. Because of the relentless
demands of the budget calendar, the Obama Administration needs to
set the stage for proper delivery of the QDR by creating a buffer
between the demands of the budget calendar and the strategy policy
process. Further, to become an enduring strategy for years to come,
the QDR must serve the broader purposes of the National Security
Strategy. Therefore, both the initial budget decisions and the
conduct of the National Security Strategy should precede the
QDR.
By giving the Administration significant time to craft a
longer-term budget request for defense and other areas of the
federal government, the budget process will allow the President and
his team to answer the most pressing question: How much government
can the economy afford? Assuming reasonable spending
restraints by state and local governments, the answer is no
more than 20 percent of gross domestic product.
Global Stability and U.S. National Security. America's
interests span the world, and its military has global reach and
responsibilities. The U.S. military's primary purpose is to
deter attacks on and to defend the homeland. When required,
America's military must fight and win wars to protect U.S. security
interests. Success requires a military capable of defeating
traditional threats posed by nation-states, transnational threats
from terrorist organizations and organized crime, and dangers
from collapsed states, such as piracy. The United States
cannot arbitrarily pick the enemies that it wants to fight or
ignore potential threats that may become challenges or
conflicts.
Building Blocks for Defense. No defense review can
precisely anticipate the full array of operations that the
U.S. military may be asked to perform up to two decades in
advance. Because not every potential threat can be predicted and
because procurement cycles typically take decades to field a
particular system, the U.S. military must plan its forces around a
grand strategy and hedge with specific capabilities to meet
any future requirements. These core capabilities-many of which the
military possesses today-should be the mainstays of strategic
planning.
The unavoidable fact is that acquiring the manpower and
weapons for a strong military takes many years. A defense review
that attempts to meet specifically defined operational needs will
be short-sighted. Instead, military leaders should focus the QDR on
putting in place the basic building blocks to provide the military
with assets that may be used to perform the necessary operations as
they arise. These building blocks must be sufficiently robust and
redundant to permit an effective response to surprises. These
essential building blocks include: (1) strategic defense and
deterrence; (2) seizing and holding territory against organized
ground forces; (3) counterinsurgency capabilities; (4) growing and
modernizing the Reserve component; (5) special operations forces;
(6) air superiority; (7) long-range bombing; (8) projecting power
through the maritime domain; (9) space access and denial; (10)
deterring, protecting, denying, and attacking in cyberspace; and
(11) global logistics.
Force Structure. To be effective, the defense strategy
must then effectively translate the basic building blocks of U.S.
military power into specific force structure recommendations.
Military force structure should be divided into five
components. The first component should describe the U.S.
strategic force structure, including ICBMs, submarine-launched
ballistic missiles, bombers, long-range ballistic missile defenses
and air defenses including cruise missile defenses. The remaining
four components of the U.S. military force structure should
correspond to the military services, specifically: Air Force wings,
Army brigade combat teams, Marine Corps expeditionary forces,
and Navy ships and aircraft.
Funding. Fiscal policy alone cannot determine whether the
U.S. should continue to devote 4 percent of GDP to defense.
Defense policy also plays an essential role in answering this
question, primarily through the upcoming QDR. Maintaining the basic
building blocks of defense and the associated force structure and
end strength can be achieved based on current defense budget
commitments to properly fund military requirements. This
projection for funding the core defense program consciously
excludes the costs of larger-scale military operations. Such
operations should be funded as they arise through supplemental
appropriations.
Coordinating with Congress. The defense strategy should
outline the broad military capabilities required to defeat a
myriad of threats and emerging challenges as well as hedge against
the unknown. To bolster its relevance, the next QDR should
delineate how the strategy could be implemented on an
operational level instead of creating yet another fruitless
budget-driven exercise. Defense and military leaders should include
Members of Congress in the ongoing strategy dialogue to avoid
irrelevance once completed and achieve movement toward
consensus.
The 2009 Quadrennial Defense Review does not need to be a
radical departure from current Defense Department plans. Instead,
it should seek to ensure that the military means for securing the
nation and its vital interests are sufficient to the ends of
national security. If the Obama Administration establishes a
National Security Strategy in keeping with America's tradition
of leadership since the end of World War II and uses the
Quadrennial Defense Review to keep America's military of sufficient
size and strength to meet the needs of this strategy, then it will
have done its duty by the Constitution, the American people, and
the brave men and women who serve in uniform.
Baker Spring is F. M. Kirby
Research Fellow in National Security Policy and Mackenzie M. Eaglen is
Senior Policy Analyst for National Security in the Douglas and
Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies, a division of the
Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International
Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.