The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU), founded in 1888 by
Frédéric Passy of France and William Randal Cremer of
Great Britain, originally sought to promote peace by encouraging
regular contacts between parliamentarians from established
democracies. The IPU also supported free trade and arbitration, on
the basis of respect for national sovereignty, between nation
states. In short, the IPU was a manifestation of late 19th-century
liberal internationalism.
The IPU of today bears no resemblance to the organization
founded by Passy and Cremer. It is an unhappy reminder of how
institutions that were devised by liberal internationalists have
been captured and perverted by autocracies and anti-sovereignty
activists. The IPU now:
- has no standards for membership and is therefore dominated by
repressive and illiberal regimes;
- serves no serious purpose but by providing these regimes with a
recognized forum enhances the perception that they are legitimate
and responsible;
- is an active proponent of measures that would limit the
sovereignty of democracies and restrict their freedom of
speech.
The United States is not now, and should not become, a member of
the IPU.
The IPU as It Was Founded
The IPU originally sought to increase cooperation between
sovereign democracies-nations that would not wish to fight their
fellow democracies and would therefore desire to settle disputes
through diplomacy and arbitration. There was no place in this
vision for dictatorships: At the second meeting of the IPU, in
1889, the only states represented were Britain, France, Italy,
Spain, Denmark, Hungary, the U.S., and Liberia.[1] The founders of the
IPU sought a world in which inter-state relations would look like
they do today between Britain and the U.S., a world in which war
would be unthinkable and disagreements would be settled
peaceably.
The Modern IPU
Sadly, the IPU of today bears no relation to the organization
founded in 1888: It has no standards for membership and, as such,
provides token legitimacy to many of the world's worst
dictatorships. The widely respected Freedom House annually ranks
the political and economic freedom of all the world's nations. Of
its "Worst of the Worst," four-Libya, North Korea, Somalia, and
Sudan-are members of the IPU.[2] So are dictatorships or
autocracies such as Belarus, Cuba, Iran, Laos, Oman, Saudi Arabia,
Syria, Tunisia, Vietnam, and Zimbabwe. Other deeply illiberal IPU
members include Angola, Burundi, the Congo, the Democratic Republic
of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Togo, Ukraine, and Venezuela.[3]
The mere fact that North Korea, Venezuela, and Zimbabwe are
members in good standing of an organization supposedly dedicated to
"the firm establishment of representative democracy" is enough to
condemn the IPU.[4] But the broader membership of the IPU is
also suspect. The organization does contain states-such as all 26
of America's allies in NATO-that are democratic and respectable.
But these are the old members, the ones present at the IPU's
creation. The original members are now completely outnumbered by
the newer members, such as the 88 members of the Non-Aligned
Movement, and by the 49 members of the Organization of Islamic
Countries. Between these two organizations, states with weak or no
commitment to liberal and democratic values control 94 of the 154
seats in the IPU.[5]
Illiberal Policies
The policies the IPU endorses reflect the illiberalism of its
members. The IPU no longer mentions free trade, as it once did.
Instead, the organization is in favor of "fair" trade-by which it
means systematic discrimination in trade that favors the developing
world-and the creation of global institutions that would reduce the
sovereignty of democratic states. It no longer argues that free
trade reduces the power of autocratic states. Instead, the IPU
urges states to regulate and structure every aspect of economic
life, a call that gives unlimited license to its dictatorial
members to justify their intrusive tyranny.[6]
Instead of recognizing that arbitration requires two willing
partners, the IPU makes token representations against Palestinian
terrorism while condemning Israel at great length for exercising
its right of self-defense.[7] Instead of defending the international
state system on which it was founded by decisively condemning
terrorism, the organization emphasizes "the need to distinguish
between terrorism and the struggles of peoples to liberate their
land and regain their legitimate rights."[8] And instead of defending the
great liberal principle of free speech, IPU delegates refer to the
need to control "defamation of religions," a code word for
censorship of speech that is critical of Islamic radicalism.[9]
IPU Hypocrisy
The hypocrisy of many of the IPU's delegates, and of the IPU
itself, is breathtaking. In October 2008, during a discussion of
"freedom of expression and the right to information," the Chinese
delegate claimed that "all Chinese citizens had the right to
express themselves freely and could communicate their criticisms to
State authorities and public officials." In reality, and in the
words of the executive director of Freedom House, Jennifer Windsor,
China operates "an intricate system of restrictions on the free
circulation of ideas."[10]
In December 2008, the IPU held a "Conference of Women
Parliamentarians and Women in Political Decision-making Positions
of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) States." The GCC states
include Saudi Arabia, where, as the IPU admits, women are allowed
neither to vote nor to hold public office.[11] In the eyes of
the IPU, that did not disqualify Saudi Arabia from participating in
the conference.
The hypocrisy of the IPU does not simply make nonsense of its
idealistic words; it tarnishes the honor and impugns the
seriousness of the democratic states participating in this farce.
Seeking to achieve a consensus through multilateral negotiation
about women's rights with Saudi Arabia, the freedom of the press
with China, or the definition of democracy with North Korea is both
foolish and dangerous. By pursuing such a consensus, the good
states grant legitimacy to the bad ones and imply that they are
worthy of being listened to when human liberty is at stake. The
autocracies use the process only to confuse and sow self-doubt
among the democracies, and they pervert a forum supposedly
dedicated to liberty to gain international recognition of their
tyrannical regimes. The way to promote the values of freedom is not
to negotiate them on the basis of multilateral consensus with their
enemies; it is to demonstrate that the free states esteem these
values so highly that they feel no need to lend the dignity of
negotiation to dictators.
A Friend of Dictatorships
The fate of the IPU, like the fate of other international
organizations that grew out of the liberal internationalism of the
late 19th century, is genuinely tragic. From expressing a sincere
hope for a better world founded in free trade, democracy, and
cooperation on the basis of the sovereign will of the people, they
have been led into backing precisely the opposite values.
By admitting states that did not share their founding values as
full and equal members, these organizations gave away their
birthright. They are now so dominated by these enemies within that
they cannot be reformed, because the autocracies can simply vote
down any measure that threatens their stranglehold. This is
precisely the problem that led the Obama Administration to withdraw
from the Durban Review Conference: The IPU is now simply a
continuous Durban.[12]
This reality is regrettable, but it must be recognized for what
it is. Therefore, the United States should not join the IPU. To do
so would imply the IPU is a respectable international organization,
not the friend of dictatorships and the enemy of liberal values and
democratic sovereignty it has sadly become.
Ted R. Bromund, Ph.D., is
Senior Research Fellow in the Margaret Thatcher Center for Freedom,
a division of the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for
International Studies, at The Heritage Foundation.