"Which political party," a recent Washington Post/ABC News poll
asked Americans, "do you think has better ideas?" By a margin of
51% to 35%, Americans chose the Democrats.
Post columnist David Broder opined "the remarkable thing about
that finding … is that I think it's nearly impossible for
anybody to tell you what the direction of the Democrats in Congress
is." Perhaps, but that hasn't stopped leading House Democrats from
trying, and leading Republicans from emulating them.
House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and her allies unveiled "an
aggressive plan to maintain America's leadership in innovation and
unleash the next generation of discovery, invention and growth."
This agenda, not surprisingly, entrusts federal bureaucrats to
direct billions of taxpayer dollars to carefully vetted projects
designed to yield this "innovation." It is a warmed-over version of
a discredited theory -- industrial policy.
The Democrats' vision begins with "a serious, sustained commitment
to America's schools" that requires, yes, the hiring of more
teachers. Specifically, Pelosi calls for "a qualified teacher in
every math and science K-12 classroom" and something she calls a
"Call to Action" to engineers and scientists to enter the teaching
profession. She and her colleagues also pledge to "double federal
funding for basic research and development in the physical
sciences" and to create yet another entitlement -- a guarantee that
"every American will have affordable access to broadband within
five years." Finally, she reiterated the enduring liberal
commitment to "sustainable energy alternatives," in this case
bio-based fuels, and new engine technologies for flex-fuel, hybrid
and bio-diesel vehicles.
On cue, Sens. Harry Reid (Nev.) and Hillary Clinton (N.Y.),
proposed the creation of a new agency to oversee this research, a
$9 billion bureaucracy to lead a crash research and development
effort modeled on the space program "to rapidly transform our
country's energy use." Not to be outdone, Tennessee Republican
Lamar Alexander and 58 of his colleagues introduced the "Protecting
America's Competitive Edge Through Energy Act," a similar attempt
to throw billions at federal scientific research and math and
science education.
In his State of the Union address, President Bush jolted his
supporters when he, too, entered the government-directed investment
sweepstakes.
He called for an "Advanced Energy Initiative," requiring a 22
percent boost in clean energy research in a variety of areas,
including his much-ridiculed call for ways to produce ethanol from
"wood chips and stalks or switch grass." Bush also called for an
"American Competitiveness Initiative" which, like Pelosi, envisions
a doubling of federal funding for basic research in the physical
sciences. Echoing the San Francisco Democrat yet again, the
President proposed a new program to train 70,000 math and science
teachers and bring 30,000 math and science professionals into the
classroom.
Happily, the American Shareholders Association (ASA) released a
timely report that reminds us why lawmakers should jettison this
outdated approach and simply trust the collective wisdom of
millions of American investors.
ASA economists used data from the Congressional Budget Office
(CBO) to review the trend in revenue collected from capital gains
realizations since Congress lowered the top rate from 20 percent to
15 percent in 2003.
When the top tax rate fell, CBO predicted that receipts from
capital gains realizations would be $45 billion in 2003, $44
billion in 2004, $49 billion in 2005 and an estimated $54 billion
this year. But, because the lower top rate made it easier for
investors to move their capital to the most efficient and
highest-yielding investments, capital gains realizations and the
tax receipts derived from them soared.
Actual capital gains receipts surged well beyond the official
projections, to $50 billion in 2003 ($5 billion above the official
forecast), to $60 billion in 2004 (a $24 billion windfall), and to
$75 billion in 2005, a full $26 billion ahead of expectations.
That's a $55 billion mistake. And, in a subtle admission of its
error, CBO's projection for capital gains tax receipts in 2006 is
now $27 billion higher than it was just two years ago.
Other pro-growth elements of the 2003 Bush tax cuts have also
exceeded expectations. Since those cuts took effect,
non-residential investment has soared at an average quarterly rate
of over 8.5 percent. The ASA study attributes some of that increase
to a provision of the 2003 Bush tax cuts that allowed businesses to
depreciate investments in plant and equipment more quickly.
Relying on Washington bureaucrats to identify and underwrite the
next great wave of scientific breakthroughs is a mistake. Lawmakers
should instead trust the collective wisdom of millions of American
investors.
Michael Franc who has held a number of positions on Capitol Hill, is vice president of Government Relations.
First appeared in Human Events