In a refreshing act of judicial restraint, the Supreme Court
yesterday resolved one of the most important business cases of this
term. In a 5-3 decision (Justice Breyer recused himself, presumably
because of his stock holdings), the Court in Stoneridge
Investment Partners v. Scientific-Atlanta
ignored the pressure brought by the trial lawyers to engage in
judicial legislation. The Court ignored the call to create by
judicial fiat a new "implied" right for shareholders to sue any
third party that does business with an allegedly corrupt
corporation whose stock the investors own.
Stoneridge deserves significant attention, and yet
the general public is largely unaware of it. This is because
business- and securities-law cases are often overlooked among the
Court's "sexier" and more controversial social and constitutional
cases. And yet business law remains an extremely important part of
the Court's caseload. Had the Court decided
Stoneridge so as to permit investor actions against
companies who enter into ordinary business transactions with
corporations accused of securities fraud - imagine the company that
sold Enron its pens and paper being held liable for the latter
company's stock-price manipulation - we would see an exponential
expansion of frivolous securities litigation. The prospects of an
entirely new class of securities torts, one with an incalculable
risk of litigation for anyone doing business with a publicly traded
company, would have been disastrous for the U.S. economy - or
rather, for everyone except the trial bar.
The facts of the case are as follows: Stoneridge Investment
Partners sued cable provider Charter Communications for an
accounting fraud that Charter committed near the end of the dot-com
bubble in order to boost its reported revenue to meet market
analysts' expectations. After four of the company's former
employees pleaded guilty to federal conspiracy charges, Charter
settled with Stoneridge for $144 million. But Stoneridge also sued
Motorola and Scientific-Atlanta, two of Charter's cable-box
equipment suppliers, on a re-treaded legal theory that the Court
had rejected in its 1994 decision in Central Bank v. First
Interstate Bank. The investors who sued in Central
Bank had labeled their theory "aiding and abetting
liability." The Stoneridge attorneys renamed it "scheme
liability."
The Stoneridge investors alleged that Motorola and
Scientific-Atlanta charged Charter artificially inflated prices for
their cable boxes, then kicked the extra amount back to Charter,
ostensibly by "buying" advertising from the cable company. Charter
then used this ad income to pad its revenue figures. Even taking
these allegations to be true, the Court said, the two suppliers
still played no role in Charter's financial statements. This is
important, because a plaintiff seeking damages under securities law
ordinarily must show reliance on a misrepresentation or omission of
material fact-and here there was neither.
So Stoneridge's attorneys argued that Charter's fraudulent
financial statement was a "natural and expected consequence" of the
two suppliers' deceptive transactions with Charter. If not for
these transactions, Charter's accountant would not have been
fooled. If the accountant had not been fooled, Charter's financial
statement would have been more accurate, and their clients would
have been millions of dollars richer. The Supreme Court, however,
still clung to the quaint notions of reliance and "law":
In effect [Stoneridge] contends that in an efficient market investors rely not only upon the public statements relating to a security but also upon the transactions those statements reflect. Were this concept of reliance to be adopted, the implied cause of action [for aiding and abetting] would reach the whole marketplace in which the issuing company does business . . . .
The Court concluded succinctly, "[T]here is no authority for
this rule."
Yesterday's decision should have been unanimous. Congress
considered - and rejected - the idea of a private
right to sue for aiding and abetting when it passed the Private
Securities Litigation Reform Act of 1995 (PSLRA). And this was
after the Supreme Court's 1994 decision rejecting
an implied right of action for aiding and abetting liability in
Central Bank. If Congress really wanted the courts
to address aiding and abetting allegations brought by private
plaintiffs, it could have said so. Congress instead gave the SEC
authority to pursue those who aid and abet securities fraud. If a
company genuinely assists a publicly traded company in committing
fraud against shareholders, the SEC has adequate authority to
sanction them. The bad guys get their due, the policymakers in
Congress still get to be the ones who make the law, and the
enforcement agents at the SEC - rather than plaintiffs' lawyers
chasing a pay day - get to make the decisions about which cases are
worth pursuing. The Court's Stoneridge decision
shows the proper deference both to Congress and to the SEC.
Stoneridge is a decisive loss for plaintiffs'
attorneys. "Scheme fraud" cases would have been a lucrative new
business line for the lawsuit industry. Even the threat of such a
lawsuit would cause most deep-pocketed companies to settle, thereby
avoiding the painful exposure of discovery proceedings. In that
respect, the U.S. economy is the big winner. It is also an
important victory for the separation of powers, and for those who
believe that Congress, rather than the courts, should be making
policy. Because this exemplifies the rule of law as opposed to the
rule of men, such results should be commonplace. Because they are
no longer commonplace, each one should be applauded.
Robert Alt is an NRO contributor, and
deputy director of the Center for Legal and Judicial Studies at the
Heritage Foundation. Brian
Walsh is a senior legal research fellow at the Heritage
Foundation.
First appeared in National Review Online