Last Thursday, Director of National Intelligence John
Negroponte, had a chance to appease his growing chorus of critics.
He failed. The crowd for the speech at the National Press Club in
Washington, D.C., expected the DNI to mark the end of his first
year in office by regaling listeners with dazzling stories of
cloak-and-dagger successes on the battlefields of Iraq, or in the
shadows of the War on Terror. Instead, he lulled them to sleep with
fusty tales of management and bureaucratic triumph.
The best Negroponte could muster was a detail-less anecdote about
how he, in his role as the new intelligence czar, had made an
critical decision that broke an impasse over the future of the
nation's spy satellite architecture.
Some pundits seized the opportunity to wield Negroponte as the
latest political-appointee truncheon with which to pummel President
Bush. In fact, though, the speech shows that he's kept his eye on
the fusty bureaucratic ball. That's his job.
The problem is not that Negroponte is failing. In fact, the DNI is
doing a good job in serving as the president's primary intelligence
adviser, while undertaking what President Bush called "the most
dramatic reform of our nation's intelligence capabilities" since
1947.
Our expectations are wildly excessive. In fact, the DNI is not
supposed to be the reincarnation of "Wild Bill" Donovan, founder of
the heralded WW II Office of Strategic Services.
Negroponte's job is, let us just say, a bit more mundane. The
mission of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence
(ODNI) mission is pretty unexciting: Manage the intelligence
budget, ensure coordination and information-sharing among the
intelligence community's (IC) agencies to provide the best
intelligence available to policymakers.
It's no small task. Leading and managing an intelligence community
with a $40 billion budget, and 100,000 people - both civilian and
military - across 16 federal departments would be a Herculean
project anytime. Doing it while implementing sorely-needed reform -
and at war - is a nightmare.
As Negroponte put it in his recent speech, "We are in the process
of remaking a loose confederation [of intelligence agencies] into a
unified enterprise. This will take time - certainly more than a
year - but with the right approach, it can be done."
And despite the volley of raspberries, Negroponte is making
progress. As critical as some in Congress have been, the House
Intelligence Authorization bill noted: "The effort by the DNI to
create an intelligence community that is greater than the sum of
its parts is beginning to bear fruit."
Communications: One of the failings that led to
9/11 was the lack of communications between the intelligence and
law enforcement communities, particularly the CIA and FBI. Today,
information flow between agencies on intelligence matters has
drastically improved (but, undoubtedly, not enough). In addition,
during the DNI's tenure, the FBI finally merged their
counterintelligence and counterterrorism divisions with their
directorate of intelligence analysis into an integrated National
Security Branch. Hallelujah!
In February, Negroponte grew the IC from 15 to 16 agencies by
incorporating the Drug Enforcement Agency. This is an important
move considering the growing ties between the drug trade and
terrorist financing in places like Afghanistan.
Focus: The U.S. government (rightly) sees
terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, Iran,
Iraq, North Korea and China as the country's top-tier intelligence
priorities - thus needing laser-like attention.
To meet this challenge, Negroponte strengthened the
counterterrorism center and established a counterproliferation
center. He also set up North Korea, Iran, China and Iraq "mission
managers" to improve interagency collection/analytical work against
these "hard targets."
The DNI has also begun using "red teams" - outside experts who look
at the same intelligence questions as government analysts to see if
they reach the same conclusion - and, if not, why. He needs to
extend the practice much further than he has so far.
Let's face it: The DNI's job is a tough one: Implement reform,
change bureaucratic cultures and integrate foreign, domestic and
military intelligence to seal the gaps in our defenses that the
9/11 Commission and others studies revealed.
In fact, it's probably the second most thankless job in the U.S.
government after the FEMA director in the wake of Hurricane
Katrina. You're just not going to make everyone happy, no matter
what you do.
Negroponte hasn't got it all right yet. Constructive criticism and
congressional oversight are great motivators for improvement. But
he's leading a revolution in intelligence that, done right, will
keep this country secure far beyond these difficult times.
Peter
Brookes, Heritage Foundation senior fellow, is the
author of "A Devil's Triangle: Terrorism, WMD and Rogue
States."
First appeared in The New York Post