The United States should consider opening the F/A-22 to limited international sales. Exporting this fighter on a limited basis would be good for U.S. national security, the industrial base, and diplomatic relations. While the F/A-22 is not the answer to all of America's-much less the rest of the world's-security concerns, it can play an important role.
On April 15, the Pentagon approved the F/A-22 Raptor for full production. Although this does not increase total production beyond the 179 authorized by Program Budget Directive 753, it is a vote of confidence in the program, which has been under constant question. This decision not only is a positive development for national security and the U.S. Air Force, but could also address the security concerns of America's trusted allies. To this end:
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Congress should hold hearings on the feasibility of exporting the F/A-22;
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The State Department should begin exploratory talks with potential buyers to establish interest; and
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The Department of Defense should work with industry to develop potential modifications that would maximize interoperability, minimize the risk of unwanted technology transfer, and preserve America's future air superiority.
In seeking export opportunities for the F/A-22, the United States has a unique opportunity to support national security, economic, and military transformation goals simultaneously.
Industrial Base
Security and Capability
The
F/A-22 is already flying and will reach initial operational
capability in December 2005. Therefore, much of the costly
research and development is completed, and the production
infrastructure is already in place. A developed market for an
export version of the F/A-22 could strengthen domestic
aviation production lines and U.S. industry in general.
Increased production will produce a positive return on
investment, will increase competitiveness, and could even decrease
unit costs.
Increased
Flexibility
One
of the primary objectives of U.S. military modernization is
force flexibility. The same changing security environment that
is driving U.S. military modernization should compel U.S. allies to
take similar steps. Ensuring that allies have real capability and
can operate side-by-side with U.S. forces substantially increases
America's military options. Increased capability and
interoperability would allow America's allies to respond quickly
and decisively when in position or to respond alone where such
action is not in the U.S. national interest. Furthermore, the
United States will have more flexibility in prepositioning its
F/A-22s around the world if its allies maintain their own F/A-22
support infrastructures. Such placement does not decrease the need
for the U.S. to invest in other long-range strike capabilities, but
it does increase the flexibility of the F/A-22.
U.S. Diplomacy
The
National Security Strategy recognizes that diplomacy, as well as
military capability, is an important guarantor of American
security. Expressing confidence in allies and recognizing them
as important, trusted security partners by giving them access to a
capability such as an export F/A-22 carries significant political
symbolism. This would advance diplomatic goals and gain access and
leverage for U.S. national interests outside the purely
military sphere.
Regional
Security
Exporting the F/A-22
to select allies would contribute to regional stability by
increasing their ability to fight along with the United States as
well as to take on more missions by themselves. If the United
States wants its allies to fight with it, then it should help to
minimize their risk. One way to do this is to give them access to
leading-edge technology and combat capability, which they may be
unable to develop on their own. Demonstrating a commitment to their
security in this way would give them confidence both in America's
resolve to honor agreements and in their own combat
effectiveness.
Interoperability
In an
accelerating coalition environment, successfully integrating major
combat, stability, and post-conflict operations depends on
achieving a high level of interoperability with allies. As
America's military becomes more reliant on new technology, the risk
of leaving allies even further behind becomes an increasingly
significant concern. The combat air components of this risk could
be mitigated through appropriate management of foreign
military sales.
Cost and Technology
Concerns
Critics will likely
argue that U.S. allies will not be interested in buying F/A-22s
because of high costs and that offering the F/A-22 for export will
lead to unwanted technology transfers. These are the same arguments
that were made when the F-15, F-16, and F/A-18 were opened to
foreign military sales. However, with more than 20 nations flying
or soon to fly the F-16, foreign military sales of advanced
aircraft are a well-established and successful fact. According to
Forecast International, aviation industry experts are
projecting deliveries of over 4,000 new combat aircraft and
advanced jet trainers globally during the 2005-2014 period-a
market estimated at nearly $158 billion. A superior product
offering better capability, although more expensive, will find a
place in such a heated market.
Technology migration is a legitimate concern, but one that can be overcome. The most sensitive technologies on the U.S. Air Force version of the F/ A-22 either would not be included in any export version or would remain under U.S. control. The U.S. could protect them by strictly limiting who may buy the F/A-22 and by making any export contingent on the clear understanding that F/A-22 technology may not be offered to third parties.
Conclusion
A
carefully thought-out export version of the F/A-22 could
benefit both the U.S. and its trusted allies. An Industrial College
of the Armed Forces study noted in 1993 that "fighter aircraft
[foreign military sales]…contribute to the financial,
political, and military elements of national power through
additional business to the aerospace industry, political leverage
to foreign policy decision making, and access and
interoperability to the military." What made a good summary
then continues to be good policy today.
Jack Spencer is Senior Policy Analyst for Defense and National Security, and Kathy Gudgel is a Research Assistant, in the Kathryn and Shelby Cullom Davis Institute for International Studies at The Heritage Foundation.