EDUCATION NOTEBOOK:
Universal Preschool Is No Panacea
May 19, 2006
On June 6th, Californians will go to the polls to consider a new
ballot initiative-Universal Preschool for All-that could have
implications for taxpayers, families, and four-year-olds across the
nation. Backers claim that universal preschool will improve public
education in America. Much research suggests otherwise.
Proposition 82 would provide state funding for all four-year-olds
in California to attend preschool. The Golden State already spends
more than $3 billion per year to send low-income children to
preschool. The new program, scheduled to cost more than $2 billion
annually, would spread these subsidies to middle- and upper-income
families.
The California initiative is representative of a national trend.
States across the country are looking to early education programs
to improve student performance. According to the Education
Commission of the States, 40 states and Washington, D.C., fund
pre-K programs. Georgia and Oklahoma offer universal pre-K to all
four-year-olds regardless of family need. The advocacy group "Pre-K
Now" reports that 24 governors have proposed expanding their
states' preschool programs. For instance, Illinois Gov. Rod
Blagojevich (D) is supporting a plan to subsidize universal
voluntary preschool for all three- and four-year-olds in the
state.
Backers of universal preschool assert that early education is a
sure-fire way to boost student achievement. Their theory is that
investments in early education ensure that students enter grade
school ready to learn, leading to lasting improvement in student
performance.
But the case for universal preschool does not hold up to serious
scrutiny. Researchers Darcy Olsen and Lisa Snell surveyed the
research on early education polices in a new report for the Reason
Foundation titled Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten:
Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers, and
Policymakers. What they found should make universal
preschool advocates think twice.
"We find strong evidence that widespread adoption of preschool and
full-day kindergarten is unlikely to improve student achievement,"
Olsen and Snell write. "For nearly 50 years, local, state, and
federal governments and diverse private sources have spent billions
of dollars funding early education programs. Many early
interventions have had meaningful short-term effects on grade-level
retention and special education placement. However, the effects of
early interventions routinely disappear after children leave the
programs."
Olsen and Snell draw a few important lessons from the research.
This first concerns what's called "fade out." While early education
programs may benefit some student groups (such as disadvantaged
children) in the short run, these benefits disappear over time. For
example, a February 2006 study by UC Santa Barbara researchers
shows that the moderate gains made by children who attended
preschool disappear by third grade. A study conducted by the
National Center for Education Statistics comparing the benefits of
half-day and full-day kindergarten also found that the benefits
faded out by third grade.
Second, Olsen and Snell's report questions whether universal
programs are necessary for children from middle- and upper-income
families. "The studies conducted on mainstream children generally
do not show benefits from early education programs," they explain,
pointing to a 2005 RAND Corporation analysis which found that
"children participating in preschool not targeted to disadvantaged
children were no better off in terms of high school or college
completion, earnings, or criminal justice involvement than those
not going to any preschool." While slim research evidence points to
benefits for disadvantaged children, giving subsidies to middle-
and upper-class children is just not justified by research.
A third lesson is that early education can actually be harmful to
some children's social development. A 2005 study of 14,000
kindergarteners-conducted by researchers from Stanford University
and the University of California-found that long hours spent in
preschool negatively impacted the social skills of white,
middle-class children. "The report's a bit sobering for governors
and mayors-including those in California, Florida, New York, North
Carolina, and Oklahoma-who are getting behind universal preschool,"
explained UC Berkley sociologist Bruce Fuller, a co-author of the
report.
Of course, the mixed research evidence is only one factor to
consider before jumping on the universal preschool bandwagon.
Voters and families should consider other important questions.
Should families be encouraged to deliver their children into
government care at such an early age? Is the next step making
preschool mandatory, as some politicians have suggested? What are
the costs-to families, stay-at-home moms, and child-care
providers-of replacing the current child-care system with a
government-subsidized program?
Campaign commercials make it sound like a vote for universal
preschool is a vote to improve children's futures. But the truth is
more complex. California voters-and families around the
country-should look at the research evidence on universal preschool
and make up their own minds.
Dan Lips is Education Analyst at the Heritage
Foundation, www.heritage.org.
For more information on universal preschool research, see:
"Assessing Proposals for Preschool and Kindergarten:
Essential Information for Parents, Taxpayers and Policymakers,"
By Darcy Olsen, Goldwater Institute, and Lisa Snell,
Reason Foundation, May 2006
"No Magic Bullet: Top Ten Myths about Government-Run
Universal Preschool," by Lance Izumi and Xiaochin Claie Yan,
Pacific Research Institute, May 2006.