Lawyers joke that if a
prosecutor gets the right grand jury, it's possible to indict a ham
sandwich. A recent ruling by a U.S. District Court judge suggests a
corollary: A lawyer who shops around long enough can find a judge
willing to issue a ruling that makes as much sense as indicting a
sandwich.
After all, there are 91 federal districts and 646 district court
judges. All are appointed for life. Odds are, you can locate at
least one willing to put judicial activism ahead of the
Constitution and our national security.
How else can we explain the recent ruling by Judge Anna Diggs
Taylor that declares a National Security Agency program that
intercepts suspected terrorist communications
unconstitutional?
Even many administration critics who oppose the government's
surveillance program agree that Judge Taylor's ruling is weak on
precedent and reasoning and is unlikely to withstand scrutiny on
appeal.
But while we wait for judges in higher courts to weigh in on this
specific decision, here is what we know.
There are real threats that need to be stopped. The recent
uncovering of a scheme to bomb up to 10 transatlantic flights
traveling from Britain to the U.S. offers a fresh reminder.
Let's not forget that the London plotters communicated across
continents. Pakistan is holding at least a dozen suspects. If their
actions and communications hadn't been intercepted and monitored,
they might not have been caught. That makes a pretty strong case
for initiatives such as the NSA's intercept program. The idea of
leaving international telecommunications on the Internet and cell
phones as a terrorist sanctuary makes no sense.
We need strong measures to protect us from terrorists, and the
Constitution presupposes that the president will provide them.
There is also no question that it empowers the commander-in-chief
to act in wartime to protect the nation. To argue against that
would, as former Justice Department official David Rivkin notes,
intrude upon "the president's core constitutional authority."
Even so, this was a needless debate to begin with. This judicial
tug-of-war over the scope of the president's war powers could have
been avoided.
The controversy over this wrongheaded judicial decision obscures a
simple fact: We can retain this effective counterterrorism program
and have appropriate oversight from the judicial system. All that's
required is for Congress to update the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act (FISA), which establishes procedures for issuing
warrants for covert surveillance programs, thereby ensuring secrecy
and protecting individual liberties.
Passed in 1978, FISA didn't anticipate the development of global
communication networks or advanced technical methods for
intelligence gathering. The current law is inadequate and must be
updated.
The irony of the judge's decision is that it will likely spur
Congress to act and ensure that the agency's intercept procedures
remain an effective weapon in the War on Terror. Before its summer
break, the Senate Judiciary Committee introduced a bill that would
do just that. Congress likely will take up the measure when it
returns from recess, and there's a good chance it will pass.
Democracy, after all, isn't a suicide pact. It accepts that
government can help make us both safe and free. Quick action by
Congress will contribute to both -- if lawmakers care to act more
responsibly than Judge Taylor did.
James
Carafano is Senior Research
Fellow for National Security and Homeland Security at The Heritage
Foundation (heritage.org), and author of the new book "G.I.
Ingenuity."
Distributed nationally on the McClatchy Tribune wire