The media--and much of the Washington establishment--are aghast
at the way President Bush and Republican leaders on Capitol Hill
have handled the transition to a second Bush term.
The New York Times has described the President's decision
to nominate loyalists for various cabinet posts as "worrisome" and
describes Condoleezza Rice, Alberto Gonzales and Margaret Spellings
(intended for the departments of State, Justice and Education,
respectively) as "yes men and women." According to old Republican
hand David Gergen, these appointments show that Bush is "closing
down dissent."
Note the theme in this criticism: The party in power somehow is
obliged to cede significant portions of its power to opposition
elements in the permanent federal bureaucracy and to the minority
party on Capitol Hill. Republican leaders at both ends of
Pennsylvania Avenue bristle at this notion and have rejected it
categorically.
Implicit in virtually every major decision Republican leaders have
made since the election is the notion that the effective use of
power requires a clear vision, a firm hand at the till and a
willingness to encounter harsh criticism from liberal opinion
leaders. Three recent examples illustrate this point:
2. Similarly, Speaker Dennis Hastert pulled the intelligence-reform legislation from the House calendar on November 20 after two powerful Republican committee chairmen and many of their House Republican colleagues raised strenuous objections to the bill. This elicited anguished cries in The Washington Post and elsewhere that Hastert has ushered in an era of "intra-party absolutism" in which Republicans would listen only to the conservative "majority of the majority" among House Republicans and ignore the views of Democrats.
3. Senate Majority Leader Bill Frist's mere contemplation of a Senate rules change to deny obstructionist Senate Democrats the powerful tool of the filibuster to derail judicial nominations, described in ample detail in this space last week, has prompted liberal pundits to claim that power-crazed Senate Republicans are conspiring to trample on centuries of sacred Senate tradition to radically reshape the federal judiciary.
What holds these episodes together? In each instance,
Washington's liberal power elite fears that the power structure in
Washington has finally, a quarter century after Ronald Reagan's
arrival in Washington, tilted toward conservatives and their
ambitious, wide-ranging policy objectives. These shifts, moreover,
coincide with mounting liberal angst that November's election
results offer no discernible road map for their return to
power.
Thus, early signs that President Bush intends to advance a robust
conservative policy agenda in his second term and appoint Bush
loyalists to reconstitute key federal agencies with ideologically
sympathetic appointees--combined with evidence that Republican
congressional leaders will leave no stone unturned to bring this
agenda to fruition--confront Democrats and liberals with the
harrowing revelation that conservatives may have reached the
"tipping point" and achieved long-term ascendancy in
Washington.
Oil for Food Update: Virginia Republican Frank Wolf, a House
veteran of 24 years who oversees the appropriations subcommittee
with responsibility for the annual $360-million U.S. contribution
to the United Nations' regular operating budget, believes the UN
"is becoming paralyzed." Whether the challenge is a famine in
Rwanda, the genocidal civil war in the Sudan or the emerging
multi-billion dollar financial scandal associated with the Oil for
Food program, Wolf sees a cumbersome organization that is unable to
respond to crises.
To address these shortcomings, Wolf inserted $1.5 million in the
omnibus spending bill to create a Task Force on the United Nations,
to be comprised of a dozen experts. Six leading think tanks--The
Heritage Foundation, the American Enterprise Institute, the
Brookings Institution, the Hoover Institution, the Council on
Foreign Relations and the Center for Strategic and International
Studies--each gets to appoint two experts.
Of course, this brigade of think tankers and other experts will
inspire little fear in the hearts of the French and other UN
apologists. But the fact that Wolf has reached this breaking point
with respect to the UN is indicative of a much wider and growing
animosity within Congress toward the fabled bureaucracy on New York
City's East River. And let's not forget that the annual U.S.
contribution to the UN's regular operating budget--which, at 22%,
is greater than the combined contributions of France, Germany,
Russia, Canada and China--reflects a collective judgment on the
part of our elected representatives that the UN is a credible
institution, worthy of taxpayer largesse.
With that credibility now in question and with new chairmen poised
to assume control of the Senate and House Appropriations
Committees, the stars may have aligned in favor of the approach
championed by Republican Sen. John Ensign of Nevada and Republican
Rep. Jeff Flake of Arizona: Withhold a portion of the U.S.
contribution pending the satisfactory resolution of this burgeoning
oil for food scandal. Faced with the prospect of losing so many
millions of dollars, UN officials will likely make that resolution
a quick one.
Mr. Franc, who
has held a number of positions on Capitol Hill, is vice president
of Government Relations at The Heritage Foundation.
First appeared in Human Events