\fs26 (Archived document, may contain errors)

No. 61 May 4, 1987

THE INTERNATIONAL ANTI-AQUINO NETWORK: THREAT TO PHILIPPINE DEMOCRACY

INMODUCMON

One of the most serious threat t Phil' * e President Corazon Aquino comes from the Us `0 u7m Communist Party of The Philipp nes (CPP With its 30,000-guerrilla ew People's Army, the CPP controls at least 20 percent of the Philippine countryside, from which it continues to wage its 18-year war against Philippine democracy--which now results in eight deaths daily. A major source of financial support for the CPP's anti@Aquino efforts comes via a diverse network of fronts in the United States and other Western countries. These front groups rarely admit their support for the CPP or make known how much they give to CPP-controlled fronts in the Philippines. But this.could amount to millions of dollars every year. The Reagan Administration strongly supports the Aquino government. One of the most concrete demonstrations of this support would be for Washington to crack down on those U.S.-based groups working to undermine Aquino. Low Proftle.'In the Philippines and -abroad, the CPP's National Democratic Front (NDF) is responsible for propaganda and seeking "united fronts" with noncommunists. In rope, and to a lesser degree Australia, the NDF openly seeks support. In the U.S. it can ep a low profile because such groups as the Union of Democratic Filivmios, Alliance for hilippine Concerns, Philippine Workers Support Committee, and the Church Coalition r Human Rights in the Philippines directly or indirectly support CPP goals. The United States has a vital interest in ensuring the success of Philippine democracy. This has prompted Congress and the Rea an Adrministration to provide Manila with $360 million in fiscal 1986 and $500 million in 9-scal 1987 in economic and military aid. This year Congress is expected to approve another $240 million. As Aquino consolidates democratic gains, pursues military reform, and promotes economic growth, the CPPs mass base in the Philippines will decrease. To offset the revenue losses from this, the CPP increasingly may seek funds abroad. The U.S. could help prevent this by joining the Aquino government in alerting friendly governments to the Eu ke P fo

presence of known CPP/NDF fronts. These governments then can warn their citizens who

Innism. In addido ess should hold Cpp@ C I!% upp tly, the U.S. should ate or support for the I d 0 e re Eastagn CP?on to cooperate diplomatically or if needed, tarily, to stop Soviet bloc aid t the TM ROLE OF TM NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT (NDF) Through the NDF, the CPP hopes. to disarm the Aquino government politically by infiltrating the government, press, universities, church, and labof unions. The NDF is headed by Antonio.Zumel, a CPP Central Committee member. In the Philippines, NDF constituent groups include Christians for National liberation (CNQ, Lea$ue of Filipino Students (LFS), Nationalist Youth (KM), Association of Nationalist Teachers, 2 Organization of Nationalist Women, and the Association of Revolutionary Workers. Groups thought to be heavily influenced by the CPP or controlled by the NDF include the May First Movement union front, New Nationalist Alliance (BAYAN), Party of the Nation (Partido ng Bayan), Peasant Movement of the Philippines (KMP), i d Nationalism GABRIIELLA, Movement of Attorneys for Brotherhood, Integ!iy an (MARINI), and the National Alliance for Justice, Freedom Democracy. A minimal CPP program for the Philippines is outlined in the January 1985 Program of the NDF. First it endorses the CPP's current "pegle's war" with the New People's Army as its main force. It intends to establish a "Pe le's Democratic Republic" and then it will - terminate all treaties with the U.S., cancel Zifo@sign loans, and create "people's tribunals" to "try d * h the enemies of the revolution.' A preview of this occurred in late 1985 when tan r@/M executed over 690 people in ne area of Northern Mindanao under he (1, 0 their control. Gullible Foreign Groups. NDF-controlled church organizations in the Philippines are important funding conduits to the CPP. Former CPP Central Committee member and ex-priest Diwa Madlangbayan (a pseudonym) admits that two of the Catholic Church's major national social action secretariats t at are heavily influenced by the CPP/NDF are the National Secretariat for Social Action@Justice, and Peace (NASSA) and the Association of Major Religiou@ Superiors. An affiliate of the latter is the oft-cited human rights group, Task Force Detainees (TFD). TFD is most diligent in cataloguing human

1. "Who Runs the NPA?" Asiawtek February 22,1987, p. 14. 2. Guy Sacerdoti and Philip Bowring, "Marx, Mao, and Marcos," Far Eastern Economic Review November 21, 1985, p. 55.

3. Drafting Committee NDF Secretariat, Prggam of the National Democratic Front of the Philioines NDF Publishing House, January 1, 1985. 4. Dr. John Wfitehall, "OPERATION ZOMBIE, Communists Killing Communists in the Philippines," Christian Anti-Communism Crusade, March 1, 1987.

5. Patrick J. Byrne, Targeting the Philioines: The Role of Radical Labor, Church. and Aid Organizations -Submission no. 84, Parliamentary Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs And Defence, (Reference: The Situation in the Philippines and Its Implications for Australia) Canberra, 19 February 1986, 12 March 1986, (Official Hansard Report) Volume IV., p. S 920. unwittingly hearings to with M = abuses by the Armed Forces of the Philippines. but refuses to document similar s by the communists. NDF control of these organizations is p'portant because they enable the NDF to forge links with gullible foreir groups., Said Filipino Bishop Francisco Claver in late January: "Me NDF re ated church people have captured all the links with Catholic overseas ' i ov6 groups, communications, and funding agencies. Kflling U@ion Leaders. Former NPA commander Jun Alcover has stated that in 1973 fishermen in the central Philippines were told by the New People's Arm guerrillas to petition for funds from the Visayas Secretariat for Social Action of the & rtholic Church's National Secretariat for Social Action (NASSA) to purchase fishing boats. NASSA procured funds from abroad, a9d the boats were then used by the A to transport guns and guerrillas between islands. CPP trade union fronts, such as the May First Movement (KMU) union federation, are also imp?rtant foreign aid conduits. KMU unions often coordinated their strikes wit@ Communist guerrilla attacks against military and economic targets in the countryside. The KMU.is accused of killing many noncommunist Vnion leaders, especially members of the larger Trade Union Congress of the Philippines." KMU National Council member, Attorney Valarez, told.an Australian Nesearcher that "there must really be a people's war ... it's good for the Philippines ......1 INTERNATIONAL MISSION OF THE NATIONAL DEMOCRATIC FRONT Through the NDF, the CPP seeks political and material support from abroad, largely through a loose network -of fronts connected to leftist liticaf parties, leftist churches, and unions in Europe, Australia, New Zealand, Japananx%e U.S. The NDF's goals are to gain political support from the international community and to appear as a legitimate recipient of foreign material. assistance. NDF spokesman Antonio Zumel openly acknowledged that the NDF was receiving support from abroad in November 1985 when he said "From the start we had an open call to all progressive, revolutionary parties, organizations ... for their hejp .... We're happy to say the support has been very warm from many parts of the world....

6. "Pat Byrne interviews Filipino Bishop Claver," News Weekly, February 25,1987, p. 8.

7. "Former Filipino guerrilla exposes aid abuses," News Weekly, October 15,1986, p. 4. 8. "Tackling an Image Problem," Asiaweek November 8,1985, p.17; "'Welgang Bayan' in Bataan," KMU International Bulletin. July 1985, p. 5;"14 Nuclear Tower Transmissi n Towers Blown Up," Manila Far East Broadcasting' Company, July 5, 1985, in FBIS-Asia, Pacific, July 8, 1985, p. P1.

9. Interview- Labor Leader Democratico Mendoza, "The KMU Is a Communist Front,'" VERITAS October23-29, 1986;Munro,p. 21;Dr. John Whitehall, "Communism In The Philippines: The Fundamental issue," Submission to the Parliamentary Joint Committee on Foreign Affairs and Defense (Refirence: The Situation in the Philippines and Its Implications for Australia) January 1986, p. 11.

10. Whitehall, gg. cit. p. 12L, 11. Marites Danguilan-Vitug, "The View from the NDF--Interview with Antonio Zumel," Business Day, November 20, 1985, p. 5, in FBIS-Asia, Pacific, November 25, 1985, p. P24.

In addition to Europe, Australia, the United States, and New Zealand, the NDF claims to have support groups in Mexico, Venezuela, Japan, and Hong Kong. The NDF claims to have warm relations v4lb the African National Congress and the Southwest African Peoples Organization."The NDF meanwhile is preparing to petition the Unitf@d Nations Human Rights Commission in Geneva about alleged human rights violations. .3 In early February, NDF leaders in Mindanao said they will start working to form a "provisio al revolutionary government" that will aid their program to gain international support. V4

Europe With the arrival in Europe of NDF international representative Luis Jalandoni in late 1976, the NDF began its most visible overseas activity. Indifference or opposition to the Marcos re&ime and the @trong leftist sentiment in European politics, churches, and unions allowed Jalandoni to establish an NDF presence in BeIguim, the Netherlands, France, Italy, Ireland, En and, Spain, and Germany. In 1981 he formed the Filipino Peo?le's - (K S Pl@, Committee based in Utrecht, the Netherlands, to seek support for "people s 0ft@"-.*,ons"in the Philippines, to develop "active.linkages" between West European p parties, unions, and churches with appropria% Philippine counterparts, and to C n again t U.S. involvement in the W*Ones. Revolutionary Taxes. Jalandoni's efforts have won support for the KMU from the Irish .Council of Trade Unions, Netherlands Trade Union Confederation, General 16 ' Confederation of Italian Labor, and individual unions in Britain and Norway. The NDF has arranged for European agricultural experts to visit CPP-controlled areas on the ifland of Samar. This seems intended to increase the CPP'9 "revolutionary" taxes in Samar. Jalandoni has also received political support for NDF from such groups as the Dutch Labor Party and the Greek PASOK Last December, Jalandoni was able to CIE * support from 34 members of the European Parliament for the NDF "peace" proposals.

Australia and New Zealand The Australian CPP support network is managed mainly by leftist Australians in unions, aid and development gro@ps, and church assistance agencies. At its center is the Australia-AsiaVorkers Links (AAWL), formed in 1982 by the Amalgamated Metal

M An interview w 'ith NDF international representative Luis Jalando4 'We do not seek belligerency status from the tWks,n Lijjr4tion (publication of the NDF), January 1, 1987, p. 6.

13. James Clad, "International Initiatives," Far Eastern Economic Review. March 26, 1987, p. 19. 14. Virgilio Galvez,"NDF Moves to Form Revolutionary Government," KWdo News Service, Tokyo, February 13,1987, in FBIS Asia-Pacific, February 13, 1987, p. P1.

15. KSP Information and Documentation Center, Philippine Trends January-February 1986, p.2.

16. KMU International Bulletin . May 1985, p.6.

17. James Clad,"The stalemate island," Far Eastern Economic Review," January 15, 1987, p. 15. 18. Leon Fortaleza, "In the European Zone," Liberation September 1984, p. 16; Interview, Luis Jalandoni, 011. cit. P. 5. 19 Workers Union, led by long-time Australian communi t, John Haff enny. AAWL is p affiliated with 22 unions and is close to other groups such as the Philip Action Support Group, Philippine Resource Centre, and Christians in Solidarity with %Philippines, which consistently campaign against Australian military aid to the Philipp 'me . Their biggest victory has been in convincing the Australian Council of Trade Unions, the main collective bargaining organization in Auktralia, to recognize the KMU as the "only legitimate Labour Movement inthe Philippines.""" In 1980 a Philippine Suppqrt Group was formed in New Zealand.22 At that time it was visited by Sister Mary John Mananzan, who chairs GABREETIA a CPP front for women. In 1985 the KMU was recognized by the communist-dominated New Zealand Federation of Labor, that cou5vs main collective bargaining unit, as the "genuine trade union center of the Philippines. Last Sqptember CPP found er and former Chairman Jose Maria Sison toured Australia and New Zealand. Sison!s Australian tour was sponsored by several organizatiorg including the Australian Council 'of Churches and Australia Asia Workers links. THE ANTI-AQUINO NETWORK IN THE UNITED STATES NDF activities in the U.S. have been conducted through a constantly evolving array of fronts targeted on the 1.5 million ethnic Filipino community in the U.S. Jalandoni admits that the NDF -has groups that "undertake information campagns and lobby work in the U.S. Congress to oppose U.S. military aid to the Philippines." In late 1985, the pro-CPP, rkeley, California, based Philippine Resource Center acknowledged, "It has become .c knowledge that the National Democratic Front (NDF) has forces in the .S ..... nough membership is not known, their presence bi felt and significantly contributes to an understanding of the revolutionary path to change."a Many anti-Marcos groups during the late 1970s and early 1980s, such as ex-Phili i e Senator Raul Manglapus's Movement In For a Free Philippines, campaigned for the UTPIto promote democratic, reform in the Philippines. Others used anti-Marcos rhetoric to cloak their support for the CPP. While the NDF does not name the groups it controls, there are four main pro-CPP organizations in the United States.

19. Byrne, oR. cit. p. S 1021. 20. Md, p. S Mt.

21. KMU International Bulletin. October 1985, p. 23.

22. "New Support Groups Formed in New Zealand and France," PhilipRine Liberation Courier, August, 1980, p. 5.

23. KMU International Bulletin.. October 1985, p. 22.

24. "Who paid for Filipino communist's visit to Australia?" News Weekly, September 17,1986, p. 3.

25. Liberation January 1, 1987, p. 6. 26. Philippine Resource Center, "Alliance for Philippine Concerns, Support Movement Grows in U.S., Canada," PhiliI212ine Re2ort September 1985, p. 9.

-5- Be bli

Union of Democratic Filipinos (YLDP) Formed in 1974, this Oakland, California, based group is the oldest of the pro-CPP, anti-Aquino organizations in the U.S.. It has served as an umbrella for several other fronts including the International Association of Filipino Patriots ( ), the Anti-Martial Law Coalition, and the Committee against the Marcos Dictatorship ), which after February 1986 changed its name to the Committee to Advance e Movement for Democracy and Independence (CAMDI). Former CPP central committee member Madlangbayan reports that communist-controlled church organizations in the Philippipes have received financial and political support from the Union of Democratic Filipinos. The LAFP's February 1980 newsletter reported that "long term monetary pledges for thekew People's Army were collected!' at a celebration of the CPP's eleventh anniversary. Exposed InflItration. KDP activists have tried to infiltrate noncommunist Asian-Amen*can groups and then asbsorb them. In 1979 the Union of Democratic Filipinos triedAo take over the anti-Marcos, noncommunist &roup, Friends of the Filipino People(FFP). This attempt was exposed by the San Francisco-based Philitwine News, which reprinted an internal Union of Democratic Filipino memo outlining their strategy for taking over the FFP through KDP cells that would slowly assume regional then national leadership. After making a clear distinction between democratic opponents of Marcos and the Union of Democratic Filipino,. , the PhiliDnixie News concluded: "For all their hypocritical poses on human rights, the KDP is actually peddling another dictatorship." Lealdng Documents. The most visible activist to-emerge from the Union of Democratic Fili inos is Walden Bello, a former political prisoner under Marcos who now resides in the U. . .th a political refugee visa. Bello is cited in the KDP memo exposed by the Phi i, Vowe ne htama roacnninci ding up" the KDP program to create informal win - 11-in - - --a- - le r "hew "left caucuses" to take ver rien of the Filipino People. He went to Washington, D.C., in 1979, and in 1981 he-became c coordinator of the Coalition Against the Marcos Dictatorship (CAMD).' Bello is an associate fellow with the Institute for Policy Studies. He is also responsible for leaking several classified U.S. documents on U.S.-Philip i e relations to the press. In early September 198qlBeHo obtained and leaked a classi ed World Bank Study on the Philippine economy. Prior to Aquino's September visit to the U.S., Bello wrote that, in order to survive polii,g@ally, Aquino had to form a "de facto alliance with the National Democratic Front."' Bello is now with the Philippine Resource Center in California.

V. Byrne, gg. cit. p. S 923. 28. "11th CPP Anniversary Celebration," Philigai:ne Liberation Courier. February 1980, p. 7. 29. "Rift exposes red tint of FFP, KDP,m Philippine News May 19-25, 1979, p. 1; 'Will the real FFP please stand up?" Philipg:l-ne News August 18-24,1979, p. 1.

30. Philipgi:ne Liberation Courier, December 1981, p. 8. 31. Nayan Chanda, "Stability's High Cost, Far Eastern Economic Review September 4, 1986, p. 52. 3Z Walden Bello, "She Has No Choice But to Move Left," Newsday September 16,1986, p. 56. IAFP CA,MD th CAMD activities during the pre-Aqpio period Included organizing a letter from 29 congressmen to formar President Ferdinand Marcos calling for the release of captured rebel Satur Ocampo.'- Ocampo recently helped represent the NDF in cease-fire talks with the Aquinogovernment. The successor to CAMD, the Committee to Advance the Movement for Democracy and Independence (CMI), .spqnsored a speech in the Washington, D.C., area last November for Horacio oy Morales, founder of the National Democratic Front.

Alliance for Philippine Concerns (APQ In the early 1980s, the U.S.-based pro-CPP movement splintered. According to sources within the Filipino community, this was triggered by differences over foreign policy toward the Soviet bloc and interpersonal rivalries. ne result was the mid-1983 formation of the Alliance for Philippine Concerns (APQ, based in Los Angeles and headed by former Union of Democratic Filipinos activist Rene Cruz. The APC claims to be an alliance of 30 North American Filipino and Philippine-concerned groups"worldrig for &nationalist and democratic alternative and an end to U.S. intervention in the Philippine." However, their work reveals a bias toward the CPP. In January 1985 V APC hosted a U.S. tour for Leandro Alejandro, now leader of the CPP front BAYAN. After the Marcos regime, the Alliance has worked with other pr6-CPP organizations to sponsor U.S. speaking tours of CPP front leaders. The APC's reco .ed in the April 1985 issue of Ang Bay- official wspa work was gmz : na _per of the CPP. In mid-Decemler 1986 an APC newspaper adveMse @e@@ st-a-teq--the New Peoples Army guerrillas are "not outlaws but ordinary, peaceable Filipinos .... 10 Philippine Workers Support Committee American support for the May First Movement (KMU) is orgamized by the Honolulu-based Philippie Workers Support Committee (PWSC), coordinated by John Witek. Since 1983 the -PWSC has sought to work within AFL-CIO unions to convince them to back the KMU instead of the noncommunist Trade Union Congress of the Philippines. The committe ; against the AFL-CIO's Asian-American Free e canitCeegtrade unionism in Labor Institute, which promotes I the Philippines. The PWSC works closely with the Alliance for Philippine Concerns. Five Week U.S. Tour. In September 1985 the PWSC, APC, and sponsored a North American tour for KMU leaders Bobby Ortaliz and Meyynar P ca. They visited New York, Boston, Washington, D.C., Los Angeles, and San Frann sco. In late 1986 it

33. "Release Ocampo, Members of Congress," Ang Kat unan ary 995, p. 9. January-Febru 1 34. Brochure, Kilusang Mayo Uno (May First Movement) Fall Tour Campaign North America September-November 1985.

35. Philiggine Revort . op. cit. p. 5.

36. Ang Baan (English edition), April 1985, p. 20.

37. Philippine-American News 6, 1986, December 16, 1986, p. 29. 38. Philippine Worker's Support Committee "ICMU North American Tour Makes GaiW Ph&12ine Labor Alert , September-November 1985, p. 6. FFP do 4ar, ci paid for a five-week tour of the U.S. and Canada by Manila area KMU leader Leto Villar. N& tour started in Detroit to attend the 1986 Labor Notes Conference, a gathering of international left-wing unionists. In his conference address, Villar criticized the LES. for its support of multinational corporations and of the Philippine military. He also criticized the AFL-CIO's Asian American Free Labor Institute. Villar later addressed strikers outside of Chicago and students in Gary, Indiana. In New York he addressed Local 1199 of the Hospital Worker's Union, and in Seattle he met with union leaders, ciy government officials, -and church groups. Villar also visited San Francisco, Montreal, Toronto, and Los Angeles.' Church Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines (CCHRP) This group is the U.S. partner of the Ecumenical Partnership for International Concerns 'in the Phili ipines, which helped found the CPP front Task Force Detainees. This Washington, D.F, based group is coordinated nationally by Dante Simbulan, a former political prisoner under Marcos. It works with orgam ations, in ten states, including the Minnesota Church People for Justice and Peace in the Philippines, the Philadephia-Philippine Working Group, and the Church Committee for Philippine Concerns-Chicago. Ile Coalition's steering committee members come from the Maryknoll Fathers, United Methodist Church, Mennonite Central Committee, United Church of Christ, the National Council of Churches, Columban Fathers, Presbyterian Church, and two Catholic orders. The CCHRP brochure states its purpose is to "seek deeper awareness and understanding of the struggles and aspirations of the Filipino people." Yet its literature is slanted toward the CPP. It urges the release of such jailed communists as NDF front Christians for National liberation founder Edicio de la Torre. It praises the work of Task Force Detainees and notes the U.S. tours of such CPP front leaders as the Februag 1986 visit of GA]BRIELILA Chairwoman Sister Mananzan@o The- Coalition also campaigns against U.S. military aid -to the Aquino government. National Council of Chruches. Tax deductible donations for the Church Coalition for Human Rights in the Phili i es are collected through the Methodist Church and the National Council of Calhurc s. Documents obtained by The Heritage Foundation show that in 1986-1987, the Presbyterian Church gave $11,000 and the United Methodist Church gave $5,900 to support CCHRP staff worker Doug Cunningham. Last October and November, the Alliance for Philippine Concerns and Church Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines sponsored Washington, D.C., area speeches for Catholic Marxist Edicio de la Torre and Task Force Detainees founder Sister Mariani Dimaranan. The State Department had delayed issuing de la Torre's visa because of his susvected involvement with the CPP. De la Torre told his Washington audience at Trinity Coftepe that Aquino could not solve the problems of the Philippines and said the solution was " eople's Den@?cracy," which means a coalition government with the National Democratic Front. Dimaranan stated that the New People's Army rebels were "heros"

39. "KMU Leader's Tour," Philippine Labor Alert November 1986-January 1987, p. 5.

40. Philippine Witness March-April 1986.

41. Address at Trinity College, October 30, 1986. working to ripeve the Philippies of "oppressive structures," or Aquino's fragile democratic government. While in the U.S., Dimaranan was a guest of the American Friends Service Committee, and her tour was coordinated by Doro riesen in Chicago, and Mary Sue Callen-Farley, of the Church Committee for i i me onc rns, also in Chicago. She visited New York, PhiladeIphjia, Chicago, an San ancisco. While in Washington, D.C., she addressed a forum for ocal church leaders and was interviewed on CBS-TV "Nightwatch." Anti-Aquino Mssionaries. LastAugust, a "Letter of Concern!' signed by 50 U.S. missionaries and endorsed by 113 Filipino chwch leaders and other foreign missionaries was distributed to about 1,000 U.S. churches." It calls the National Democratic Front "a broad coalition aimed at transforming the country's political and economic system toward nationalism and democracy" and says the New People's Army guSrrMas seek to "protect rural folk from intimidation." In effect, these U.S. missionaries circulated and thus implicitly endorsed anti-Aquino tracts. The letter also demands the end of U.S. access to Philippine Military bases and of U.S. military aid to the Aquino government. For more information, the letter suggests contacting the Church Coalition for Human Rights in the Phili i es, Alliance for Philippine Concerns, and Friends of the Filipino People. This etter was also acknowledged in the September 1986 issue of Ang Bayan. Hidden Wealth. At least one pro-CPP network leader has returned to the Philippines to work for the National Democratic Front. In January 1986, Romeo T. Capulong, Chairman of the Filipino LawyeesCommittee for Human Ri ts, testified before the House Foreign Affairs Asia-Pacific Subcommittee investiga ' Marcos's hidden wealth in the United States. Capulong said the Reagan Administration ad a "determined policy to suppress theXilriino people's leri timate aspirations for genuine democracy and sovereigpy y late August 1! 86, Capulo@g was in Manila as a lawyer working for 47 National Democratic Front leaders negotiating a cease-fire with the Aquino government.

SOVIET BLOC SUPPORT Though Moscow denies aiding the CPP, there is evidence to the contrary. Stanislav Levchenko, a KGB agent in Tokyo from 1975 to 1979, who later defected to the U.S., has stated he arranged for Soviet money to be passed to the "illegal Communist Party of the

42. Address at the Capitol Hilton Hotel, November 11, 1986.

43. Church Coalition for Human Rights in the Philippines, Philiggine Witness September-October 1986, p. 4.

44. William Branigan, "Philippine Rebels Targeting Rights Groups, Churches," The Washingion Post. October 18, 1986, p. A13.

45. Ang B=a September 1986, p. 14. 46. Summary and concluding statement of Romeo T. Capulong, Esq., Chairman of the Filipino Lawyer's Committee for Human Rights given on January 21, 1986 before the Subcommittee on Asian and Pacific Affairs of the House Foreign Affairs Committee of the United States Congress. 47. "NDF Lawyers Clarify Role in Peace Talks," Manila Bulletin . August 31, 1986, p. 1, in FBIS Asia-Pacific, September 9, 1986, p. P8. Phih thy " 1 d Sanpfr P S.1 Sgli ne 48 For several years, NDF representative in Europe Jalandoni has been ppi ecte of forgin&ties to Moscow through Eurocommunist and East European communist parties. Jalandom' has acknowledged there is Iriendly@@iteraction" with Soviet, Vietnamese, and PRC representatives at international conferences. He is suspected of arranging for Soviet money to be passed to the CPP. He is also credited with arranging for Soviet-made rifles to be shipped to the New People's Army guerrillas via Palestine Liberation Organization offices in South Yemen. CPP trade union front May First Movement representatives regularly attend meetings of the Pacific Trade Union Community, formed in 1980 by pro-Soviet trade unionists in Australia and New Zealand. Kremlin Relations. According to recently 9ptured CPP Chairman Rudolfo Salas,.. Soviet offers of direct assistance be&an in 1984. Early last year, NDF official Vladimir Sampang was allege o be conducting "regular" negotiations with the Soviets in their q2t _4 Australian Embassy. In late 1984, a captured co 16,Ms perrilla commander said Vietnam had offered money, arms, Wd training assistance. An ex-CPP official recently said Vietnam sold arms to the NPA@' Thus, it seems the Kremlin has established solid relations with the CPP. From their base in Vietnam, the Soviets are well positioned to begin covert su PI of U.S. weapons left over from the Vietnam War that are compatible with the arsenf Ne New People's Army. If the CPP continues to gain strength, massive Soviet aid might be the decisive factor in an eventual victory.

FUNDING THE COAUMMMST PARTY OF THE PHILIPPINES Olnll rough estimates are possible of the amount of money the CPP receives from abroil The Melboume-based National Civic Council, for example, discovered that in 1984 and 1985, the Asia Partnership for Human Development, an economic development assistance group founded by Australian Catholic Relief, gave over\u223\'a7VS$100,000 (about U.S.$60,000) to several CPP fronts in and outside the Philippines. 5 For 1983 to 1984' Australian Catholic Relief and the Australian Council of Churches, in cooperation wiih Australia-A 'a Worker Links, gave AUS$26,000 to the CPP trade union front May First Movement.

48. NSoviet Active Measures,* hearings before the Select Committee on Intelligence, House of Representatives, Ninety-Seventh Congress, Second Session, July 13, 14, 1982, Washington, D.C., U.S. Government Printing Office, 1982, p. 166.

49. 'Who Runs the'NPA,* Asiaweek February 22,1987, p. 14; Munro, oil, cit. p. 37.

50. Jalandoni interview, op. cit, p. 7.

51. "Interview with Jailed Former CPP Leader Salas," Yomiuri Shimbun January 15, 1987, p. 4.

52. "Soviets, W.C.C. Fund Communist Party of the PhilippinesN News Weekly, March 5, 1986, p. 3. 53. John Whitehall, NInterviews with Four Prisoners," Quadrant Novimber 1984, p. 73.

54. Tom Breen, NPhilippine Rebels Buying Arms from HanoL" The Washinglon Times October 10, 1986, p. 6A.

55. Byrne, gR. cit. p. 1050.

56. "Behind Sison's Visit to Australia,* News Weekly, September 24,1986, p. When May First Movement Secretary General Roberto Ortaliz visited the Boston area in Septfpber 1985, he collected $20,000 in -ledges--enou&h to support 8,000 man-days of strikes. The Philipping Workers Support =mittee claim to have raised within one year, $120,000 for the Kl@(U.'OX FAM-America, an economic development assistance group based in Cambridge, Massachusetts, aft*ts it aids the National Federation of Sugar Workers, a KMU affiliate led by Ortaliz. Tiny Fraction. These identifiable sources of funds are only a tiny fraction of CPP and NDF collections from abroad. Travel of CPP celebrities to the United States and elsewhere alone runs into enormous sums. The increasing im w 0 tolTortance to the CPP of foreign funds was illustrated by a senior CPP official, h Australian researcher John Whitehall that, during an argument over money during a major CPP meeting in December 1985 on Mindanao, the New People's Arni tried to claim half thF0 funds the National Democratic Front receives from the WorlYCouncil of Churches. In its 1985 Resource Sharing Book, the World Council of Churches requested from its member churches over $500, for Philippine projects. With probable Soviet bloc aid, it is very possible the CPP receives millions of dollars from abroad every year.

-CONCLUSION: HALTING FOREIGN AID TO THE CPP The preservation of strategic stability throughout the Asia-Pacific basin requires that the U.S. continue to assist Cory Aqumio's government in consolidating democracy in the Ph ines, The 1986 election and this February's plebiscite for a new Constitution i n dU cip@ P@e str ngly that Philippine democracy is rebounding. Yet, the communist threat remains. To bolster Aquino's efforts in the Philippines, there are a number of actions the U.S. can take. They include: . 1) Approving the Administration's fiscal 1988 request of $148 million in economic assistance and $112 million in military assistance for the Philippines. 2) Restoring the $50 million in military aid cut.from the Administration!s fiscal 1987 request. U.S. milit *d hould focus on* bility, specifically @y providin a-rv a' s improving mo more sparyarts, for IA4-1 helicopters, trucks, and should improve the Philippine military's I logistics an maintenance support network. Furthermore, the U.S. should urge the A * n to implement a coordinated civil-military, counterinsurgency program t 0 rhem(g]tp cZe Wat matta t s political strength. 3) Countering foreign support to the CPP by working with the Aqumio government to identify CPP fronts abroad, particularly in friendly countries. Joint representations should then be made to allied governments to inform them of front activity in their country. Front activity should be exposed publicly so that well-meaning citizens could then decide if their

57. Philippine Workers Support Committee, "KMU North America Tour Makes Gains," Philippine Labor Alert September-Novembr,r 1995, p. 6.

58. Philiggine Labor Alert November 1986-January 1987, p. 7.

59. OXFAM-America, Facts for Action No. 15, p. 12.

60. "Soviets, W.C.C. Fund Communist Party of the Philippines," News Weekly, Afarch 5, 1986, p. 3.

church, civic organization, or political party should continue to support Philippine communism. 4) Warning pro-Western labor leaders abroad about the true nature of the CPP's KMU union front. 5) Denying U.S. visas to known CPP front leaders who attempt to visit the U.S. to drum up support. 6) Holding congressional hearings to investigate private U.S. groups that support the CPP. Ilese could be similar to the 1985 and 1986 hearings into the hidden wealth of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Ile results of such hearings should be delivered to the European Parliament, many members of which have been influenced by the NDF. 7) Exposing Soviet aid to the CPP and developing a program in concert with regional allies to end this Soviet aid, which threatens the strategic stability of Asia. The U.S. should urge Manila as well as Singapore, Tbailand, -Indonesia, and Malaysia to wam Moscow against assisting the CPP. U.S. officials should wam the Soviets that the U.S. will not tolerate oviet bloc assistance to the CPP. 8) Identifying Soviet contacts with CPP fronts abroad and offering to increase sharply U.S. surveillance of Soviet activities in the Philippines. The U.S. or other regional allies can provide the P * ' Pine Navy with patrol boats.to monitor Soviet bloc merchant shipi that pass through P pine waters that may provide covert assistance to the NPA. The U.S. Navy can also e e patrols in the South China Sea. 9) Suggesting to Manila that it sharply reduce the number of Soviet bloc personnel in the Philippines.

3i The Communist Party of the Philippines openly admits receiZi 'd from abroad. Since ug ai the e I 1970s the National Democratic Front vigorously has s t international s@pport arl*st labor unions and church and political groups in Western Europe, Australia, from le New Zealand, and the U.S. Since the late 1970s the CPP forged direct and indirect links with the Soviet bloc. It is possible the CPP receives millions of dollars every year from its National Democratic Front controlled network and from the Soviet bloc. A richer, more powerful CPP and NDF can mean only trouble for Cory Aquino. A main task of U.S. foreign poli thus must be to ensure that the CPP receives no support from Americans and that the ?PP begins encountering problems in raising money from the Western democracies.

Richard D. Fisher Policy Analyst hilip 11ilip mcr