Members of the World Trade Organization are in a proverbial
pickle. Although they're fond of discussing agricultural reform in
the current Doha round of trade talks, they're reluctant to do
anything to implement it. With only a few weeks left until the
March 31 deadline for establishing tariff and subsidy reduction
commitments, progress needs to come quickly.
Instead of fighting over competing proposals to liberalize
agriculture, WTO members should follow the path broken by New
Zealand and Australia. These countries have shown the world how to
bring free markets to agriculture by unilaterally cutting
government support through domestic subsidies.
Domestic subsidies are high all over the world. Many countries
prefer to support their producers instead of relying on the
efficiency of the free market. Subsidies prop up inefficient
producers while forcing the efficient ones out of the market. By
subsidizing inefficient farming, the governments of the developed
world marginalize producers in the developed countries.
According to the Organization for Economic Cooperation and
Development, government support for agricultural producers
accounted for 31% of total farm income among its member nations in
2001. New Zealand and Australia are an entirely different story;
these countries give their producers the least amount of support.
Government support in New Zealand accounts for a mere 1% of farm
income, and in Australia support is only 4%. New Zealand and
Australia are undoubtedly models of reform.
That was not always the case, only two decades ago farmers in both
countries were very dependent on government subsidies for their
livelihood. According to the Federated Farmers of New Zealand, in
1984, the peak year for subsidies, nearly 40% of the average sheep
and beef farmer's gross income came from the government.
But reforms were implemented quickly, avoiding the problems
associated with a long and drawn-out process. By 1987, subsidies
had been phased-out. Very few farmers, only 1%, lost their farms
due to the transition. The vast majority survived the subsidy cuts
by slashing spending, purchasing only essentials, implementing more
efficient methods and through diversification. Farmers started to
produce different products such as venison and wine.
Like their counterparts in New Zealand, Australian farmers survived
the reduction in government subsidies by diversifying into other
crops based on market demands. Farmers expanded beyond wheat, beef
and wool into products more suited to Australian conditions. That
diversity is now evident in Australia's agricultural exports.
Whereas wheat, beef and wool dominated exports in the 1980s, their
combined share of exports has fallen while there has been a surge
in other products such as cotton, wine, oilseeds, dairy products
and rice.
Education and training programs helped Australian farmers adjust to
the reduction in state support, providing producers with added
skills in production, business and risk management. According to a
1999 report by the Australian Agriculture, Fisheries and Forestry
Department, "The capacity to acquire appropriate business skills in
the face of rapid change is critical to the sustainability of farm
businesses, both economically and ecologically."
While New Zealand and Australia have clearly changed, the United
States and many other developed countries continue to lag behind by
implementing higher subsidies instead of reforms. In May 2002, U.S.
President George W. Bush signed a subsidy-laden farm bill that will
cost American taxpayers over $180 billion over the next decade. The
European Union has many skeletons in its closet as well, with a
Common Agricultural Policy that provides direct subsidies to
farmers. Around the world, the richest producers receive the lion's
share of government support.
The mercantilist policies pursued by these governments hurt
developing countries. Developed nations should not implement these
destructive policies while giving lip service to
liberalization.
According to Mike Moore, the former head of the World Trade
Organization: "The No. 1 element of a true development agenda would
be to reduce substantially the support OECD countries give their
farmers, which undercuts developing countries and forces even the
most efficient producers out of markets where they would otherwise
be earning their living."
If Doha is to be a round for the developing world, developed
countries need to move liberalization forward and lead by example.
Judging from their subsidies, the U.S., European Union and many
other countries are not leading the way. Tokyo recently hosted a
mini-ministerial to discuss agricultural liberalization despite the
fact that government support accounts for over 60% of total farm
income in Japan. Developed countries have no shame when it comes to
subsidies.
Reforming agriculture is crucial, since most developing nations
dedicate the majority of their resources to it. Bolivia, for
instance, relies on agriculture for nearly one-third of its
national income. In the U.S., agriculture comprises a minute
portion of gross domestic product, yet America continues to
implement protectionist policies despite its talk of
liberalization.
A popular American country-western song uses the phrase, "a little
less talk and a lot more action." Doha's legacy should be one of
action. Studies from the World Bank prove that the incomes of both
rich and poor rise dollar for dollar when markets expand. Poor
countries desperately need greater access for their agricultural
exports to markets in developed countries.
Under the Doha ministerial declaration that launched the present
round of trade talks two years ago, WTO members committed
themselves to "substantial reductions in trade-distorting domestic
support." Now WTO members seem to be retreating on this promise.
While several countries have made proposals for reform, there is
disagreement within the WTO as to how far subsidies should be
reduced. Terse words have been spoken and a consensus has not been
reached. Nothing has been done.
The successful examples of New Zealand and Australia prove that
cutting government support is feasible. In New Zealand, growth in
the agricultural sector has outpaced growth in the economy as a
whole. Clearly, the end of subsidies doesn't indicate the end of
farming.
WTO member states must not give in to protectionist temptations and
must be held accountable for the promises made two years ago. If
Doha is to achieve significant progress, members must be willing to
make significant reforms. Commitment to a reform strategy needs to
emerge before the end of March. Doha should not be a round that
limps along but one that races ahead. The legacy of Doha should be
one of exceptional reform not of failed promises.
Ms. Fitzgerald is a policy analyst in the Center for International Trade and Economics at the Heritage Foundation in Washington.
This piece was originally published in the
Asian Wall Street Journal.