If Congress needed a kick in the pants to get moving on
intelligence reform, this is it: A San Francisco judge ruled
Wednesday that the federal government's program to spy on
terrorists and their affiliates is not protected by the "state
secrets" privilege. This means that government officials and
companies that helped to implement the program may be forced to
testify about its structure and operations.
If those aren't state secrets, what is?
But according to Judge Vaughn Walker, there's no such thing as a
state secret when the government's foreign intelligence operations
so much as touch U.S. soil. That's a huge loophole for America's
enemies.
Let's look at the case that led Judge Walker to his bizarre
ruling. The plaintiff is the al-Haramain Islamic Foundation, an
outfit that even the United Nations has identified as an al-Qaeda
front. This particular branch was located in Ashland, Oregon, and
ran an Islamic school, Internet café, and money-transfer
business. It also held itself out as a humanitarian charity helping
poor Muslims in Africa and Asia.
Yet somehow, say diplomats, the alms kept winding up in
terrorists' hands. Money collected in Oregon helped finance terror
attacks in Israel, Kenya, and Indonesia, among others, according to
Associated Press reports. Their targets were frequently U.S.
embassies and Americans.
Today, Al-Haramain is all but defunct in the United States. But
one thing lives on: Its lawsuit to force federal agents to disclose
the most sensitive details about how they were able to uncover its
terrorist ties and shut it down.
Wednesday's ruling is a huge step toward making that happen. Once
it satisfies a few minor procedural hurdles, the court will lay out
the particulars of how it can legally siphon top-secret information
from the government and its private-sector helpers -- mostly
telecom providers like AT&T.
This was bound to happen sooner or later. Civil-liberties groups
have brought over 40 suits like this against the government and the
telecom firms, and many plaintiffs went shopping for sympathetic
judges eager to strike a political blow against the Bush
administration. Until now, these lawsuits were "just" an expensive
nuisance that made the private sector wary of cooperating with
government efforts to protect the American public. But now things
stand to really get dangerous.
Congress could cut that risk down to nothing in an instant. All it
needs do is pass legislation that pulls these super-sensitive suits
out of federal courts.
The Senate did just that in February. It passed a bill to grant
telecom companies immunity for their work with the government. But
liberal leaders in the House refused to go along with the plan.
It took months of pushing, but a group of conservative House Democrats -- the "Blue Dogs" -- finally forced the recalcitrant House leadership (including Speaker Nancy Pelosi of San Francisco) to move forward on the measure in June. That logjam broken, a compromise bill passed by an overwhelming margin: 293 to 129.
But now things are gummed up in the Senate. Privacy activists --
many of them parties to the lawsuits -- are lobbying hard to block
passage of the bill. So far, they've succeeded. What was expected
to be a cakewalk to passage before the July 4 holiday has now
bogged down. The Senate will take up the bill again when it returns
to town next week. Expect more delays: liberals like Chris Dodd and
Russ Feingold, goaded by the activists and wary of handing anything
that even looks like a win to the Bush administration, are
threatening to filibuster any bill that ends the lawsuits.
Enough is enough. It's time to stop playing politics with
intelligence and national security.
People on both sides of the debate agree that the telecom
companies are being dragged into court for doing nothing more than
what the government asked and assured them was completely legal. If
any laws were broken -- and there's good reason to believe none
were -- it was the government's fault. It's not fair to hold these
companies liable for trying to help protect the nation.
Nor is it sensible. How will they respond next time the government
comes calling?
Congress has the power to exercise oversight of the executive
branch, including reviewing intelligence operations. It also has
the power of the pen and the purse to encourage the executive
branch to change course. Exercising those powers can be dangerous
-- if something goes wrong, like another terrorist attack, you're
on the hook -- but that's what accountability is all about.
Instead of making the tough and probably unpopular choices, some
members of Congress would rather leave that to the White House and
the courts, while amping up their criticism of what the
administration actually does. They blow hot air and "taking a
stand" against the companies that answered the call when the
country needed their help, to the adoration of activists and
editorial pages that never note their failure to actually
do anything. It's good political theater but lousy
policy.
This can't go on forever. The jig will be up when a court forces a
party to divulge details about our most sensitive intelligence
operations -- which could happen any day now. At that point, delay
will have become failure to act, and Congress will have to take the
heat.
Andrew Grossman is a Senior Legal Policy Analyst at the Heritage Foundation.
First appeared in National Review Online