The bad news is that the Doha round of the World Trade
Organization remains on life support. The good news is that, at
least, it is not completely dead. At the ministerial meeting in
Hong Kong, which concluded Monday, some very hard decisions on
agricultural subsidies were kicked down the road and a tentative
timetable for resolving them agreed upon. At least, this averted
the risk of a complete collapse. Keeping trade liberalization
moving forward in the difficult areas of agriculture and services
is one of the most important issues now facing the international
community.
There is therefore reason for (very) modest relief, though as the
Financial Times put it, adapting a phrase from Winton Churchill,
"rarely in the history of international negotiations have so many
labored so long to produce so little." The deadline of 2007 for
completion of the Doha Round seems very much in doubt.
Recent meetings have illustrated the perilous path of the Doha
round, formally known as the Doha Development Agenda. These trade
talks are on constant damger of foundering between
anti-globalization protestors' luddite rejection of the modern
world and the developed countries' attachment to subsidies of
domestic interest groups which closes their markets to products
from developing countries.
Both anti-globalizers and rich countries ignore the fact that the
poor people they claim to care about stand to benefit vastly from
open markets. According to William Cline at the Institute for
International Economics, developed countries could provide economic
benefits to developing countries amounting to double of what they
pay them in aid transfers if they were only to eliminate their
trade barriers. A chance to compete in areas where developing
countries are strong is what this is all about.
These days, WTO meetings have become cliffhanger dramas. In Seattle
in 1999, violent anti-globalization protestors and anarchists of
various stripes grabbed the agenda and the headlines. At the Cancun
meeting in 2003, developing countries walked away from a flawed
deal on agriculture. And Hong Kong saw its share of drama as well.
Outside the convention center, against the splendid backdrop of
Victoria Harbor, thousands of protestors tried to crash the WTO
meeting and clashed with police who tear gassed and arrested some
900 people.
The run up to the Hong Kong meeting had been distinctly
unpromising. Ahead of time, the government of France had
irresponsibly declared that it would not accept any further
reductions in agricultural subsidies in the EU's Common
Agricultural Policy, the world's most expensive system of
subsidies. In the United States, Congress made no bones about its
lack of interest, canceling delegations to the meeting. The
agriculture policy of the United States itself is nothing to be
proud of; this year, American taxpayers provided $26 billion in
direct subsidies to U.S. farmers. Among the sticking points in the
Doha round on the American side are cotton subsidies that make
products from African farmers uncompetitive.
Still, the Bush administration has shown a determination to take
the lead on liberalizing world agriculture. The Office of the U.S.
Trade Representative has proposed a gradual phasing out of
worldwide tariffs and trade distorting domestic support over a
five-year period, at first allowing internationally coordinated
lower levels with an eye to final and complete elimination.
In Hong Kong, the United States and the Group of 20 developing
countries, whose influence under the leadership of India and Brazil
has been growing, exerted significant pressure on the European
Union. After five days of tortuous negotiations, the EU agreed to a
modified timetable, which would substantially reduce agricultural
subsidies by 2010 and eliminate them by 2013. There is some irony
to be found in the fact WTO Director General Pascal Lamy, a
Frenchman and the former EU commissioner for trade, was the man to
twist the arm of the EU's current trade commissioner Peter
Mandelson, a close associate of British Prime Minister Tony
Blair.
We used to talk about teaching a starving man to fish, as a better
solution to Third World poverty. Today, the question is whether we
will allow him to sell that fish abroad and develop his
economy.
Helle Dale is director of the Douglas and Sarah Allison Center for Foreign Policy Studies at the Heritage Foundation.
First appeared in The Washington Times