One issue needs to stand out from all others
for Indonesia's new president when he takes office today --
terrorism. To be sure, it's far from the only problem that Susilo
Bambang Yudhoyono will have to contend with -- everything from
corruption to the lack of foreign investment is also crying out for
attention.
But Indonesia's first popular elected president cannot put his
nation on the path toward prosperity, and encourage nervous foreign
investors to return, unless he takes decisive action to tackle the
terrorist menace so recently seen in the Sept. 9 bomb blast that
killed nine people outside the Australian embassy in Jakarta. That
means getting on the same page as the United States. The two
countries share the same goal of destroying terrorism. But when it
comes to determining who is a terrorist, critical differences need
to be resolved.
That means Mr. Yudhoyono must move quickly to declare Jemaah
Islamiyah (JI), the al Qaeda linked group believed responsible for
this and other attacks, a terrorist group and treat the
organization accordingly. But it also requires Washington to act,
by placing the Free Aceh Movement (called GAM for its Indonesian
name: Gerakan Aceh Merdeka).
In the first year after 9/11, Indonesian politicians not only
failed to support the American war on terrorism, they even denied
the existence of JI. In 2002, Indonesian Vice President Hamzah Haz,
had dinner with the leaders of the country's most notorious
terrorist groups, including Abu Bakar Baasyir, JI's now-jailed
spiritual leader. Afterwards, the vice president announced there
were no terrorists in Indonesia.
Indonesia also strongly opposed American anti-terrorist military
operations, wrongly characterizing them as anti-Muslim. For
example, in 2002, in front of a cheering parliament, outgoing
President Megawati Sukarnoputri demanded the United States not bomb
Afghanistan during Ramadan, the Muslim holy month. She failed to
mention, of course, that Ramadan wasn't stopping the predominantly
Muslim Indonesian army from continuing its offensive against GAM in
Aceh. Indonesian authorities also failed to prevent a radical
Islamic group, Darul Islam, from recruiting 300 volunteers to fight
against the Americans in Afghanistan.
It was only after JI blew up two bars in Bali on Oct. 12, 2002,
killing 202 people, that the Indonesian government finally
acknowledged the existence of terrorists intent on wiping out
secular government in the archipelago and creating a Muslim state.
As other attacks followed in Jakarta and other cities, Indonesian
police suddenly found themselves working closely with American,
Australian and other international law enforcement organizations to
track down the Bali bombers and other terrorists.
All too often, the trail leads back to JI. But although Indonesia's
law-enforcement agencies now expend great energy in pursuing
individual JI terrorists suspected of committing specific crimes,
the organization as a whole still seems to get something like a
hometown discount when it comes to taking any concerted action
against the organization behind the attacks. Ms. Megawati refused
even to declare JI a terrorist organization. This despite the fact
that the United States and the United Nations -- which rarely agree
about anything related to the war on terrorism -- have both done
so.
Ask Indonesian officials about this inconsistency, and they point
to another -- that of the United States regarding GAM. To the U.S.
State Department and other American policymakers, GAM is classified
as a "separatist group," not a terror group. This even though
State's own 2003 Human Rights Country Report says GAM rebels
carried out, "grave abuses, including murder, kidnapping and
extortion" and that GAM meets all three criteria for making State's
list of Foreign Terrorist Organizations (FTOs). These are that the
organization be foreign, that it engage in terrorist activities and
that its activities threaten the security of the United States
and/or its citizens.
Thousands of people, mostly civilians, have perished in Aceh since
the struggle began in 1976. In 2000, GAM began a program of ethnic
cleansing in Aceh, targeting civilians that it did not consider to
be true Acehnese with murder, arson and intimidation. Between 2000
and 2002, GAM forced an estimated 50,000 civilians from their
homes. It also is notorious for burning schools; since 1989, it has
burned more than 1,000 schools and killed more than 60 teachers. In
2002, its members were linked to a series of bomb attacks against
shopping malls and discotheques in Jakarta.
GAM's threats to American citizens and interests in the region are
substantial. GAM has targeted Exxon-Mobil's natural-gas facilities
in Aceh and has been blamed for hijacking trucks, shooting at
airplanes, burning buses and planting landmines along roads leading
to Exxon-Mobil facilities. GAM also has been linked to maritime
piracy against international shipping in the Straits of Malacca,
through which 50,000 ships sail each year, carrying 30% of the
world's trade goods and 80% of the oil on which Japan relies.
GAM's political aims may be domestic, but its reach is world-wide.
Some 5,000 of its fighters trained in terrorist camps in Libya
between 1986 and 1989. Its leaders consult with the leaders of al
Qaeda and JI, although they do not support JI's goal of creating a
pan-Islamic state. They cooperate closely with the region's
terrorist groups, including training recruits with other terrorist
groups in Moro Islamic Liberation Front camps in the Philippines.
Southeast Asia's terrorists have found that training, weapons
smuggling, money laundering and creating escape routes all work
better when they cooperate across national boundaries.
The best way for the United States and Indonesia to become better
security partners is for both countries to recognize each other's
terrorist problem. Indonesia's failure to stand up to JI and
formally declare it a terrorist organization frustrates many in
Washington. American ambivalence toward GAM is not lost on the
Indonesians and may account for some of Indonesia's reluctance to
be a reliable ally in the war on terror.
With a new leader taking charge in Indonesia, this is a good time
for both countries to overcome these problems and get together in
the fight against terrorism.
Dana Dillon is a senior policy analyst in the Asian Studies Center at the Heritage Foundation.
Appeared in the Asian Wall Street Journal